Sentences with phrase «racial segregation in schools for»

To capture the shifts that took place during four distinctly different time periods, I identify the state of racial segregation in schools for the years 1968, 1980, 1988, 2000, and 2012.

Not exact matches

In 1965, he directed research for the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights that revealed racial segregation and its effects on public school students in ClevelanIn 1965, he directed research for the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights that revealed racial segregation and its effects on public school students in Clevelanin Cleveland.

De Blasio has been criticized for not doing more to combat racial segregation in the school system.

She has reported on controversies around discipline in charter schools, racial segregation in the New York City school system, and flaws in the city's method of testing for lead in water in schools.

Sussman is a 1978 Honors Graduate of Harvard Law School and has been one of the Hudson Valley's most prominent civil rights and trial lawyers since the 1980's when, as lead counsel for the Yonkers Branch of the NAACP, he helped end racial segregation in the City of Yonkers public schools.

Judge Leonard B. Sand of U.S. District Court scolded state officials, however, for tolerating the racial segregation that has occurred in the Yonkers schools.

According to the brief, which was published last month, the level of racial segregation for black students in charter schools is higher than it is in public schools.

New York State did not actively encourage racial segregation in the Yonkers public schools and therefore bears no financial responsibility for remedying the problem, a federal judge ruled last week.

In A Smarter Charter: Finding What Works for Charter Schools and Public Education, Richard D. Kahlenberg (author of the excellent Shanker biography Tough Liberal) and his Century Foundation colleague Halley Potter (a former teacher at Two Rivers Public Charter School in D.C.) weigh today's charter movement against Shanker's vision and find it too market - driven, too willing to tolerate racial segregation, and overall, disappointinIn A Smarter Charter: Finding What Works for Charter Schools and Public Education, Richard D. Kahlenberg (author of the excellent Shanker biography Tough Liberal) and his Century Foundation colleague Halley Potter (a former teacher at Two Rivers Public Charter School in D.C.) weigh today's charter movement against Shanker's vision and find it too market - driven, too willing to tolerate racial segregation, and overall, disappointinin D.C.) weigh today's charter movement against Shanker's vision and find it too market - driven, too willing to tolerate racial segregation, and overall, disappointing.

Kahlenberg and Potter acknowledge the CRP's methodological problems, but dig the ditch deeper by citing one article that appeared in this journal and eviscerated the CRP's study (see «A Closer Look at Charter Schools and Segregation,» check the facts, Summer 2010) and a 2010 study looking at racial enrollment patterns among charter schools managed by for - profit management organizations, which represent just 12 percent of the charter sector natiSchools and Segregation,» check the facts, Summer 2010) and a 2010 study looking at racial enrollment patterns among charter schools managed by for - profit management organizations, which represent just 12 percent of the charter sector natischools managed by for - profit management organizations, which represent just 12 percent of the charter sector nationally.

Midway through President Clinton's term, his Administration lacks a clear agenda for addressing racial segregation and racial discrimination in schools, civil - rights experts and political analysts say.

The trend of increasing racial and economic segregation is a nationwide trend — not just in Alabama and other Southern states.55 The South, however, was the only region in the country to see a net increase in private school enrollment between 1960 and 2000, and where private school enrollment is higher, support for spending in public schools tends to be lower.56 A growing body of rigorous research shows that money absolutely matters for public schools, especially for the students from low - income families who attend them.57 What's more, private schools in the South tend to have the largest overrepresentation of white students.58 In fact, research has shown that the strongest predictor of white private school enrollment is the proportion of black students in the local public schools.in Alabama and other Southern states.55 The South, however, was the only region in the country to see a net increase in private school enrollment between 1960 and 2000, and where private school enrollment is higher, support for spending in public schools tends to be lower.56 A growing body of rigorous research shows that money absolutely matters for public schools, especially for the students from low - income families who attend them.57 What's more, private schools in the South tend to have the largest overrepresentation of white students.58 In fact, research has shown that the strongest predictor of white private school enrollment is the proportion of black students in the local public schools.in the country to see a net increase in private school enrollment between 1960 and 2000, and where private school enrollment is higher, support for spending in public schools tends to be lower.56 A growing body of rigorous research shows that money absolutely matters for public schools, especially for the students from low - income families who attend them.57 What's more, private schools in the South tend to have the largest overrepresentation of white students.58 In fact, research has shown that the strongest predictor of white private school enrollment is the proportion of black students in the local public schools.in private school enrollment between 1960 and 2000, and where private school enrollment is higher, support for spending in public schools tends to be lower.56 A growing body of rigorous research shows that money absolutely matters for public schools, especially for the students from low - income families who attend them.57 What's more, private schools in the South tend to have the largest overrepresentation of white students.58 In fact, research has shown that the strongest predictor of white private school enrollment is the proportion of black students in the local public schools.in public schools tends to be lower.56 A growing body of rigorous research shows that money absolutely matters for public schools, especially for the students from low - income families who attend them.57 What's more, private schools in the South tend to have the largest overrepresentation of white students.58 In fact, research has shown that the strongest predictor of white private school enrollment is the proportion of black students in the local public schools.in the South tend to have the largest overrepresentation of white students.58 In fact, research has shown that the strongest predictor of white private school enrollment is the proportion of black students in the local public schools.In fact, research has shown that the strongest predictor of white private school enrollment is the proportion of black students in the local public schools.in the local public schools.59

This design — and the relatively small number of private schools in rural communities — has greatly contributed to this socio - economic segregation.64 Such policies, if adopted nationally in the United States, could have similar consequences for economic and racial segregation considering the strong correlation between race and income in many places.

May 19, 2016 by Brett Kittredge As the United States marks the 62nd anniversary of the landmark Brown vs. Board of Education decision which declared state laws establishing separate public schools for black and white students to be unconstitutional, a new study looks at the effect school choice has had in reducing racial segregation in schools.

«Our urban schools are in trouble because of concentrated poverty and racial segregation,» which make for a toxic mix.

As a parent and advocate for minority children in Seattle public schools, she says she's frustrated at how racial segregation has morphed and mutated — hidden but apparent to those facing it.

The unions argued that the lawsuit unfairly blames teachers for problems in the public schools that stem from much larger social and political forces, including poverty, inequality and racial segregation.

As school districts grapple with the intransigent problem of racial and socioeconomic segregation, the EACs must continue to play a critical role in providing direct civil rights support to school districts to ensure equitable practices and outcomes for children.

If anything, they should realize that laws that limit school choice by residence have exactly the same results in terms of racial segregation and inferior education as the laws limiting school choice by race that the NAACP is so rightfully famous for doing away with.

In addition, Walker's budget eliminates Chapter 220 — the only educational program in Milwaukee designed to reduce racial segregation in public schools and improve equal opportunity for students of coloIn addition, Walker's budget eliminates Chapter 220 — the only educational program in Milwaukee designed to reduce racial segregation in public schools and improve equal opportunity for students of coloin Milwaukee designed to reduce racial segregation in public schools and improve equal opportunity for students of coloin public schools and improve equal opportunity for students of color.

With the establishment of the Sheff standard for racial integration in 2008, magnet schools have become the state's primary method for reducing racial segregation and promoting integration within the Greater Hartford Region public school system.

Beginning with Brown v. Board of Education in 1954, nationwide efforts to dismantle segregation and integrate schools through anti-discrimination lawsuits, although modestly successful on occasion, have ultimately foundered, producing neither dramatic racial integration nor significant improvements in academic outcomes for black students.

Inequalities of wealth and income have risen steadily for three decades, racial segregation continues, class segregation has deepened, and middle and working class families are fracturing in the face of this economic onslaught, but rather than face these fundamental realities politicians keep pandering to the public and putting forth an endless stream of quick fixes that don't cost any money and don't require real change & mdash as if cosmetic changes in schools are somehow going to offset decades of disinvestment in the public sphere and rising concentrations of poverty.

While racial segregation in schools has been unconstitutional for over fifty years, Black students continue to face discrimination in the form of excessive school discipline.

In a 2010 research review, Harvard University's Susan Eaton noted that racial segregation in schools has such a severe impact on the test score - gap that it outweighs the positive effects of a higher family income for minority studentIn a 2010 research review, Harvard University's Susan Eaton noted that racial segregation in schools has such a severe impact on the test score - gap that it outweighs the positive effects of a higher family income for minority studentin schools has such a severe impact on the test score - gap that it outweighs the positive effects of a higher family income for minority students.

In Connecticut, there are laws against both excessive suspensions of students and racial / ethnic segregation of students, particularly for charter schools.

b. Charter schools have become for - profit business opportunities and have increased racial and economic segregation in our nation.

While the State of Connecticut spends hundreds of millions of dollars every year to reduce racial isolation in our urban school districts, as required by Connecticut's Constitution and Courts, Governor Dannel Malloy is pumping more than $ 100 million a year into Connecticut Charter Schools despite the fact that they have become a primary vehicle for the segregation of our public school system.

She argues that school reformers assume that schools can do more to address poverty than is realistic, that accountability policies encourage narrowing of the curriculum and teaching to the test, that vouchers have accumulated no significant evidence of effectiveness, that «virtual charter schools» are a ripoff of taxpayers, and that there are more effective policy solutions that are far from test - based accountability and «school choice» policies: social services for poor families, early childhood education, protecting the autonomy of teachers and elected school boards, reducing class sizes, eliminating for - profit companies and chains from operating charter schools, and aggressively fighting racial and socioeconomic segregation in schools.

Using data for the 2005/06 school year, the authors update previous calculations that measure segregation in terms of unevenness in racial enrollment patterns both between schools and within schools.

This paper uses administrative data for the public K - 12 schools of North Carolina to measure racial segregation in the public schools of North Carolina.