Sentences with phrase «radical economic change»

MacArthur is everywhere on the left, openly supporting the progressive policy agenda, including the «climate change agenda — which is often a cover for more nefarious, radical economic change.

In doing so, Stasch used her influence to lead other organizations into a complicated web of progressive foundations, pushing radical economic change in the name of environmental stewardship.

Without radical economic change, it's more likely that we're going to have a three - degree increase by the end of the century, and maybe four.

At the recent National People's Congress the new Chinese leadership announced the need for radical economic change.

For example, if Labour is serious about radical economic change then it needs to consider how it can build an alliance of social and political forces to support it.

Not exact matches

Moreover, violence is always used in the conviction that it is the only means adequate for attaining a noble end — social justice, the nation's welfare, elimination of criminals (for the political or social enemy is always considered a criminal), radical change of the economic structures.

When I reflect upon the potential which radical feminist separatism has for change (the introduction of novel forms) into social, political, and economic relationships, I suspect that the intentional political dissociation of women is a form of separatism with limited efficacy.

It is due also in part to the fact that religious institutions in black communities have not been sufficiently cognizant of the radical implications which the changing political, economic and social realities have for their life.

Marian Spirituality of the Magnificat can give an indication of the commonality of struggles requiring radical changes in economic, political and social life, beginning with personal humility, confident in God's promises to humanity, especially the poor.

They are in favor of more radical free market economic change than the other Republican factions, are relatively indifferent to social issues, and are turned off by displays of religiosity.

Radical conservatives would more frequently criticize the evils of U.S. policy at home and abroad, defend economic justice as vigorously as they do liberty, and refuse to allow their valid opposition to Marxism - Leninism to lead them to regard all Third World movements for social change as Marxist - Leninist fronts.

The revolutionary social, economic, and intellectual developments in post-Civil War America stimulated within Protestantism attempts to develop a new prophetic ministry which would exercise critical judgment on the injustices which accompanied the radical changes of the period and would point the way to a new application of the gospel to the social needs of the time.

The Progressives that wanted the radical change in voting, and who wanted moral and economic control of all Americans to bring about the great social revolution?

For the most part, however, what the first minister served up as part of a long - trailed effort to «refresh» her administration after more than ten years in office sounded familiar: educational reform («most radical change»), more cash to boost economic growth («raising our ambition») and the creation of a Scottish National Investment Bank.

For instance, radical change in the way we understand and manage state assets could help tackle some pressing social and economic policy challenges.

What is baffling for anarchists is how moderate republicans, having uncovered such a radical conception of freedom as non-domination, fail to advocate the kind of radical economic and political changes needed to create a society free from domination.

As part of the radical changes needed to deliver the fairer economic settlement that Liberal Democrats seek to implement in government, we will continue to press for measures that make the tax system simpler, more transparent and fairer.

The 2017 Labour manifesto includes commitments to radical change in public services, economic and social policy.

Sir Vince Cable has said the Liberal Democrats will not succeed as a one - issue «reverse Ukip» party, pledging that they will develop radical proposals for economic reforms including taxes on second homes and changes to tuition fees.

This strikes me as a far better analogy than the earlier elections you cite — Like Wilson, Cameron could have cannily used every day to illustrate that while he was doing his best to govern with a minority, the radical changes the economic crisis demanded were being blocked at every turn and that he deserved to be given a real chance to put his policies into effect.

Frank Field, Maurice Glasman, Sir Robin Wales and Jon Cruddas have all expressed deep (and «labour» orientated) misgivings about the radical cultural and economic change wrought by Blairite / Brownite mass immigration.

The participating artists prompt a dialog on questions that, in face of the current radical economic, social and political changes, are more relevant that ever.

Reacting to radical changes taking place internationally in the late»80s and early»90s, these shows — «In Transit,» «The Final Frontier,» and «Trade Routes» — posed questions about globalization's social, economic, cultural, and intellectual exchanges, and grappled with issues as wide - reaching as neoliberal capitalism and as specific as the situations facing individual cities.

I assume you mean global civilization's and or economic and political collapse and that you have at least a smidgen of hope that humanity might still come to it's senses and and implement radical paradigm change to avoid global ecological collapse.

At the other extreme, understandable economic insecurity and fear of radical change have been exploited by ideologues and vested interests to whip up ill - informed, populist rage, and climate scientists have become the punching bag of shock jocks and tabloid scribes.

The hegemonic third face, which we didn't go into, is perhaps the most crucial — e.g., the total unquestioning of neo-liberal economic thinking by most members of society, including those grossly disadvantaged by it, that makes it impossible to even conceive of radical changes.

This book is about those radical changes on the social side, as well as on the political, economic, and cultural sides.

Indeed, emissions are rising so rapidly that unless something radical changes within our economic structure, 2 degrees now looks like a utopian dream.

A view not shared by radical environmental groups who, including the UN, believe that in order to «save the planet» we must fundamentally change the current economic development model.

Barring unthinkably radical change, we'll hit 2 degrees in thirty or forty years and that's been described as a catastrophe — melting ice, rising waters, drought, famine, and massive economic turmoil.

Ultimately, the latest scientific understanding of climate change allied with current emission trends and a commitment to «limiting average global temperature increases to below 4C above pre-industrial levels», demands a radical reframing of both the climate change agenda, and the economic characterization of contemporary society.

But climate science now shows that the situation has become so urgent, and the forecasts so dire, that only radical social and economic transformation will give us a chance of avoiding dramatic and irreversible changes to the global climate.

Growing economic headwinds in the fossil fuel sector — particularly in the coal and oil industries — may bring about radical change much sooner than Obama's Clean Power Plan.

The rush to label any and all skeptics as either «liars for hire» or just plain ignorant dismisses the multitudes of honest, thinking people who simply want to put the «science» of AGW under the microscope before blindly accepting what appears (to many) to be very radical social and economic changes suggested as solutions.

Yesterday, The Am Law Daily reported that large law firms don't expect to make any radical changes in response to the economic downturn.

The degree to which the actions of some members of the ruling party have damaged the economy, have led some to believe that its policy of radical economic transformation may entail the destruction of the economy in order to establish structural changes thereto, similar to what was attempted in Venezuela.

Since then, history has witnessed radical changes in society and in the economy, which took Klaus Schwas, founder and chairman of the World Economic Forum, to write the book, «The fourth Industrial Revolution in 2016».

Aside from unfavorable economic conditions, the biggest reason for the radical changes in ROP coming with the new year is something few people have heard of outside the insurance industry — it's called Actuarial Guideline 45.