Sentences with phrase «rather than a voucher»

And it points the way to a solution to the problem of market - suffocating regulation under school choice programs: pursue school choice through education tax credits rather than vouchers or charter schools.

For that reason, tax credits — rather than a voucher program — would be a more practical way to provide help to non-public school patrons.

We should focus on these proven strategies rather than voucher schemes that offer parents empty promises while asking them to give up federally protected civil rights.»

Not exact matches

They also see their desires as demands rather than requests («My flight was late so I must have a voucher for a first class ticket!»).

I was a strong - willed child and can heartily vouch for the need of such children to be met with love, respect, and understanding rather than harsh discipline and punishment.

Quick Pay enables vendors to get paid significantly more expeditiously rather than experiencing the delays caused by the standard voucher process.

«School choice is enhanced when voucher schools or other alternatives supported on the public dime report more rather than less information,» said Cowen, associate professor of education policy and teacher education.

In his activity, the entrepreneur nevertheless continued to use the cash vouchers rather than this new standing, because he was not obliged to and because it was more restrictive than the cash vouchers.

I own almost exclusively matte shades, so I can only really vouch for these rather than their satins or shimmers, but several of their shades are part of my go to daily palette.

A hint for the boys... treat your other half to a voucher, rather than a steak dinner tonight, and you might have more chance of adding some B to your S!

If it was me paying and using a voucher, i'd take the bill over to the till or bar and pay there, rather than doing it at the table.

But rather than awarding a voucher to each family, the state pays the provider directly.

The third contrasts parental choice with other «possibilities» — like rigorous academic standards and competent teachers — again giving the impression that they are alternatives to vouchers rather than (as is in fact the case) entirely complementary.

However, particularly if the voucher value is relatively small, price ceilings mean that private schools will likely only fill empty seats rather than expand enrollment.

This is why teacher reform is now more radioactive than vouchers: Rather than taking a long, winding road, it attacks the core problem head - on.

The FTC program is effectively a means - tested voucher program, but it is called a tax credit scholarship program because rather than being funded directly by the government it is supported by corporate donations to non-profit organizations (which distribute the scholarships).

Even universal vouchers for all students garner greater support among the partisans who predominate in Blue States rather than Red States.

Rather, voucher proponents have seized on this population because they are more sympathetic beneficiaries than poor and minority youngsters.

Rather than forcing dissatisfied families to accept subpar services or to pursue legal action for relief, vouchers permit a lower - conflict, lower - cost method for resolving disagreements about the adequacy of public school efforts.

Rather than trying to compel equity of access through regulations that instead drive schools out of the program, we should incentivize equity by having student - weighted voucher amounts.

Beginning in 2003, after our data were collected, the Chilean government sought to alter several features of the system, although not all of the changes have been fully implemented: Rather than providing vouchers at a flat rate, voucher amounts are to be tied to family income.

School reformers cheered the administration's about - face though fully aware that it was motivated by political expediency rather than any acknowledgment that vouchers work.

I am, however, certain that if conservatives are not hypocrites, they will insist that Cleveland's suburban schools open — rather than, as they have close — their doors to the students whose vouchers, at conservatives» behest, Zelman upheld as constitutional.

On balance, the bulk of the research shows a small educational advantage for students who attend privately operated voucher schools rather than municipal ones.

Let's first consider the possibility that it was the stigma of being labeled a failure, rather than the competitive incentives introduced by vouchers, that spurred improvement among F schools, as several researchers have suggested.

Moreover, schools wishing to admit students selectively rather than accepting all comers may participate in a donation rebate program that generates less revenue than vouchers while also involving less regulation and less interaction with the state.

«Rather than using taxpayer dollars to provide vouchers to a few, we must focus our resources and efforts on concrete reforms that make our public schools better for all of the District's schoolchildren.»

Substantially more Americans oppose rather than support school vouchers.

And rather than more funding for expanding prisons or school vouchers, why not fund a higher minimum wage, paid family leave, universal early childhood education, and full, equitable funding for all our schools, starting with our poorest communities?

The truth is, we have lost the change - forest for the choice - trees, too often pushing charters and vouchers as an end in and of themselves rather than a means to spur innovation and opportunity and ultimately deliver on the promise of a great education for all children.

Rather than a model for voucher expansion, the Indiana program should be seen as a cautionary tale for policymakers seeking to strengthen the effectiveness, efficiency, and equity of the nation's educational system.

They include private - school vouchers, online courses and requiring third - graders to pass reading tests before they move up to fourth grade, rather than being pushed along with their peers — or «social promotion.»

Although Deming focused on public charter schools rather than pivate vouchers, the logic is essentially the same: expand the horizon of low - income children beyond their toxic neighborhood and failing school, and you change their lives.

He notes that, although few studies have examined the impact of choice on public school students, most every finding to date suggests that vouchers, rather than adversely affecting students who are «left behind» in public schools, actually lead to gains for public and private school students.

In fact, Brookings Institution released an article stating that recent research on voucher programs in Indiana and Louisiana found that those students who took advantage of vouchers to attend private school, rather than their local public schools, received lower scores than their public school peers.

The researchers were only 91 percent certain (statistically) that the better performance of voucher - program students was due to the program rather than chance, and they had to be 95 percent certain.

Supporters of the voucher program argue that the funds are issued to parents and children rather than directly to parochial schools.

This requires «accountability» that truly prioritizes parent choice rather than a bait «n switch to reimpose mass political priorities, as current school voucher programs do.

What they know is that their universal voucher scheme (i.e., a voucher in every backpack), where public dollars flow directly to families rather than schools, makes it impossible for a public school infrastructure to survive.

Pinsky said that rather than try to influence those policies through the confirmation process, lawmakers could intervene legislatively if they saw a new superintendent adopt policies on vouchers, charter schools and other matters that he described as out of the mainstream.

Whatever one's position on vouchers, however, one idea ought to unify all sides — that the voucher system ought to be driven by data and sound policy principles rather than ideology and intuition.

Unless North Carolina requires the same level of accountability and transparency from the private and religious schools that receive vouchers as it requires from other schools that receive public money, it is making education policy on hunches and ideology rather than real data.

A Manhattan Institute study of a school choice program in San Antonio found that vouchers and other choice opportunities help rather than hurt the local public school system.

But what ultimately resulted in New Living Word's expulsion from the voucher program was not its low academic standards; rather, it was found to be charging voucher students higher tuition rates than students paying their own way — which is prohibited under Louisiana's law (nothing in the North Carolina statute specifically addresses this potential consequence).

School «reform» in this country is well down a specific road, one that seeks to view the public school system as something of a business rather than a civic institution and that promotes choice in the form of charter schools, vouchers, etc., as well as standardized tests as the key measurement of student achievement and teacher effectiveness.

In some schools, teachers or administrators may develop supplemental programs outside of school hours to help new students and their parents learn and adjust to school norms, reinforcing rather than undermining the characteristics that presumably made voucher schools attractive alternatives to public schools in the first place.

While those help to mitigate the rigged market problem that exists in our state, only vouchers may prove sufficient for those of us who are aware of the limitations of the Common Core and who want to experiment, with our own (rather than someone else's) children and their like - minded friends, with educational models based on curricula already proved to have worked in helping students prepare for the world's finest universities.

Statewide Voucher Program — Income Eligibility Limit: Increase the annual family income eligibility level, beginning in the 2018 - 19 school year, so that a pupil could participate in the statewide voucher program with a family income of less than 220 percent of the federal poverty level rather than less than 185 percent of FPL as under current law.

Trump is also a supporter of charter schools and taxpayer - funded vouchers to help parents who want their kids in private or parochial schools rather than public schools.

However, lackluster private schools that have been booted from the voucher program suggest political rather than educational payback.