Sentences with phrase «rather than the charter school»

Unfortunately, due to financial and logistical considerations, the placement option offered by the District for students with more significant needs is often back at a traditional school site rather than the charter school.

Not exact matches

It seems the association would rather silence opposition than listen to new ideas, demonstrating that it's not charter schools blocking public school growth, but the Syracuse Teachers Association itself.

Rather than needle the mayor by demanding reports or his attendance at hearings, as Republicans did in previous years, Senate Majority Leader John Flanagan, a Republican from Long Island, attached a different condition to mayoral control: actions favoring charter schools.

Pensions and health costs for teachers and other staff are substantially higher for the traditional, unionized public schools compared to charters, which offer their employees 401ks rather than more generous defined benefit plans.

Ms. Moskowitz, likening the influential educational network she founded, Success Academy Charter Schools, to revolutionary companies like Apple and Google, said she would rather be an education advocate than a mayoral candidate.

Republicans defended the increase in charter school funding as part of an agreement included in a separate education bill (HB 7055) that will let school districts keep their local property taxes for maintenance and construction rather than share it with charter schools.

Choices for families who don't want to have to take sides in the charter wars: Some school districts have tried to see charter school operators as potential partners rather than competitors.

It's worth noting that the decline shown in the West Ward may be overstated because of the way New Jersey reports data on two of Newark's high - performing charter school networks (it provides these network results in a single record, rather than breaking them out campus by campus).

What if cities (rather than school districts) were to create corporations, authorize them to do financing, and assign them the task of managing the public - school facilities portfolio so that both district and charter schools could be housed?

As a result, most charter schools lease their facilities rather than purchase or build their own (see Figure 3).

Evaluations led by Harvard's Tom Kane and MIT's Josh Angrist have used this lottery - based method to convince most skeptics that the impressive test - score performance of the Boston charter sector reflects real differences in school quality rather than the types of students charter schools serve.

The study, «Leveraging Local Innovation: The Case of Michigan's Charter Schools,» found that the schools have mostly seized on innovative practices already in use for years in regular public schools, rather than coming up with new ideas of theSchools,» found that the schools have mostly seized on innovative practices already in use for years in regular public schools, rather than coming up with new ideas of theschools have mostly seized on innovative practices already in use for years in regular public schools, rather than coming up with new ideas of theschools, rather than coming up with new ideas of their own.

The court said that charter schools are not «common» schools under the state's Constitution because they are controlled by a charter board rather than by local voters.

Parents have exercised choice in selecting a charter or private - sector school rather than a district school, making it impossible to say whether parental perceptions of the school are caused by actual school characteristics in each sector or some other factor.

Harris instead offers two potential alternatives: 1) the improved public / charter school performance in New Orleans made the performance of the private sector look relatively worse; and 2) the curriculum at most private schools may not have been aligned to the state test, so the poor performance merely reflects that lack of alignment rather than poor performance.

The bill's intent was to force «virtual» charter schools to spend a high proportion of their budgets on certified staff rather than on technology, stifling their capacity to innovate.

Yet the major charter firms moved prudently, each bidding on just one or two schools, and favoring the spanking - new campuses rather than attempting to turn around chronically ailing schools.

Sara Mead, a member of the District of Columbia Public Charter School Board and a principal at Bellwether Education Partners, adds that charters find it easier to fend off critics by operating in the inner cities rather than in the suburbs.

Tennessee adds another flavor, trying to serve entire communities rather than creating a loose array of ASD charters — so they provide neighborhood preference even in their charter schools.

This pattern provides strong evidence that the smaller gains made by these charter school students are indeed due to the quality of the schools they attend rather than to any unobserved differences between charter school students and students in traditional public schools.

Not surprisingly, one result is that a substantial number of New Leaders end up running charter schools, small schools, start - ups, or education organizations rather than traditional schools, especially in Chicago.

CREDO found that non-profit schools made much larger test gains than for - profit ones, prompting AFT president Randi Weingarten to thunder «this CREDO study confirms that for - profit charter and virtual schools serve the interests of corporations» rather than kids.

In the case of charter schools, for which overall support is more mixed, it appears that the important divisions in public opinion are within rather than between the nation's major political parties.

They also struggled with local community politics because state charter laws required them to contract with nonprofit governing boards rather than run schools directly.

Many schools that reach NCLB's restructuring phase, rather than implementing one of the law's stated interventions (close and reopen as a charter school, replace staff, turn the school over to the state, or contract with an outside entity), choose the «other» option, under which they have considerable flexibility to design an improvement strategy of their own (see «Easy Way Out,» forum, Winter 2007).

In fact, they cite with contempt the fact that in some instances «teachers, students, and parents successfully lobby to keep their charter school open» when authorizers attempt to shut them down, often for political rather than academic reasons.

Remarkably, rather than trusting successful school operators» track records and informed opinion that start - ups are the way to go, Secretary Duncan urged them to get into the turnaround business during a speech at the 2009 National Charter Schools Conference.

For instance, is there any evidence that parents are being misled, that charter schools are actually diminishing rather than improving their children's achievement?

In my research I have identified 34 different examples of charter school innovation, including small size; untenured teachers; contracts with parents; real parent and teacher involvement in school governance; outcome -(rather than input --RRB- based accreditation; service learning fully integrated into the curricula; unusual grade configurations; split sessions and extended school days and years to accommodate working students; and computer - assisted instruction for at - risk and other frequently absent students.

The report ignores the judgments of parents and students, uses bizarre definitions of such terms as innovation and accountability, compares charter schools with the ideal school rather than with traditional district schools, and presents confusing and out - of - context discussions of such admittedly complex matters as school finance and student achievement.

Although they're «schools of choice,» they are operated in more top - down fashion by districts, states, or sometimes universities rather than as freestanding and self - propelled institutions under their states» charter laws.

Otherwise, the classifications could reflect differences in how often the charter schools place students in these programs rather than their students» traits.

A central part of the plan to push back the decline of Catholic education is to treat the city's successful charter school sector as a model, rather than a competitor, although charter schools have been contributing to the Catholic sector's population drain by attracting low - income families who choose a free charter over a tuition - based parochial school.

But rather than ensnaring charter schools in the same ludicrous rules that have hamstrung district schools, we should free district schools from ideological, unworkable mandates.

Students at the same Boston charter high schools that have boosted test scores are also more likely to take and pass Advanced Placement courses and to enroll in a four - year rather than a two - year college.

The center has rated Georgia's amended charter school law as «strong,» rather than «weak,» as was reported.

Although a few members have been prominent supporters of charter school expansion, the group has tended to support traditional public - school interests like greater funding for struggling schools and pay raises for teachers rather than choice proposals.

For example, New Hampshire's Virtual Learning Academy Charter School (VLACS) not only bundles its content by competencies (rather than courses), but also receives funding based on mastery rather than time.

Conceivably, the market strategies of charter schools and large CMOs, rather than the needs of families and students, could drive the market, leading to more imitation and less diversity.

Rather than proceed with the second half of the suit, which rested on claims that charter schools had failed to comply with statutes and sponsorship contracts, their opponents withdrew it in December and instead appealed for regulatory help from a newly - elected Democratic governor and a legislature whose Republican majority had been reduced.

We therefore see our lottery estimates as indicative of what the No Excuses charter model can accomplish, rather than an overall charter - school treatment effect.

Leaders of the Sault Ste. Marie Tribe of Chippewa Indians have said they would shut down the school as a charter entity rather than accept a union.

This included pulling buildings from the market when districts discovered a charter school was interested, districts setting restrictive covenants that barred future sales to charter schools, and one district even letting a tree grow through an abandoned, vandalized school building rather than sell to a charter.

And it points the way to a solution to the problem of market - suffocating regulation under school choice programs: pursue school choice through education tax credits rather than vouchers or charter schools.

It's easier for New York's Department of Education to watch more carefully over hundreds (rather than thousands) of charter schools, pressuring the ones that are underperforming and shutting them down if they can't turn things around.

Although Deming focused on public charter schools rather than pivate vouchers, the logic is essentially the same: expand the horizon of low - income children beyond their toxic neighborhood and failing school, and you change their lives.

And we even consider going back to the original charter concept — allowing schools to negotiate their own unique performance expectations with their authorizers, rather than being held accountable to the One Best System's standards.

Second, I verify that my analysis shows spillover effects of charters, rather than a potential performance bump due to students switching between district and charter schools in their neighborhoods.

Rather than being shunned by the system, new charters have an opportunity to use underutilized space in public school buildings to get up and running.

While the President's FY 2012 Budget requests funding to improve D.C. public schools and expand high - quality public charter schools, the Administration opposes targeting resources to help a small number of individuals attend private schools rather than creating access to great public schools for every child.