Sentences with phrase «religious conservative movement»

Ross Douthat is quite right that America — left and right — needs a strong religious conservative movement.

The various components, though, of a religious conservative movement in American public life must be defined clearly by their respective theological commitments, or we lose the Evangelical wing of this coalition.

They listen to the new religious conservative movement calling for «a return to the traditional family,» which seems to include the defeat of the Equal Rights Amendment and the banning of abortion.

Not exact matches

About half of the Americans who identify as part of the Tea Party movement say they are also part of the religious right or conservative Christian movement, according to a survey released last year by the Public Religion Research Institute.

Those in the mainstream media who ignore these trends, or who simply place conservatives like Huckabee and Santorum in the traditional Religious Right frame, are missing a big story about the Republican Party, the evangelical movement in America, and my generation's response to both.

Carpenter begins by demonstrating that fundamentalism in the «30s and «40s was not a formless aggregate of disgruntled religious conservatives but a vigorous, self - conscious and comprehensive movement.

Last November I pointed out that a significant faction of the Tea Party is a subset of the religious right and that, despite the perception of the movement being comprised of economically - oriented libertarians, the majority held social conservative views.

An August 2010 poll by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press and the Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life found that nearly half of Tea Party supporters (46 %) had not heard of or did not have an opinion about «the conservative Christian movement sometimes known as the religious right»; 42 % said they agree with the conservative Christian movement and roughly one - in - ten (11 %) said they disagree (based on registered voters).

It touches only occasionally on the contributions of intellectual and religious conservatives (let alone religious intellectual conservatives), leaving out some of the most important pieces in the creation of the movement.

Fact: Among Americans who consider themselves a part of the Tea Party movement, nearly half (47 percent) say they consider themselves to be part of the religious right or conservative Christian movement.

«Ex-gay movement members, like other conservative Christians, view themselves as part of a positive transformation of American culture and religious life, often describing themselves as embattled or besieged by secular culture or the gay rights movement.

Tanya Erzen is no sympathizer with what she describes as the Religious Right, although gay activists sometimes suggest that her sympathy for people in the ex-gay movement means she is just another conservative «homophobe.»

In describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church aReligious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church areligious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church aReligious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and state.

Evidence of that tendency is widespread in Protestant theological schools, both conservative and liberal, that have roots in religious communities shaped by one or another of these movements of revival.

«These three states also have the highest numbers of conservative protestants (denominations diversely associated with fundamentalist, Pentecostal, charismatic, and evangelical religious movements) in the United States.

There's been a resurgence of discomfort with science, bubbling up from both conservative religious quarters and New Age movements.

Yet the dramatic growth in the 1970s of schools within «conservative» Protestant religious movements led to a narrower definition: a «Christian school» is one that's affiliated with one of the conservative Protestant denominations, such as Southern Baptist and Lutheran Church - Missouri Synod, and, in general, with one of the dominant streams within conservative Protestantism — the evangelical, charismatic, fundamentalist, and Pentecostal religious movements.

The differences among Christian schools within the various conservative Protestant religious movements and denominations are not always sharp.

While they have a family resemblance, these conservative Protestant religious movements are by no means identical.

Over time, ethnic distinctiveness has subsided, and some conservative Protestant religious traditions in schooling have diffused throughout the movement — partly through the growth and consolidation of Christian - schooling organizations and of publishers of Christian school materials.

This journey shows Monckton at the same time affable and charismatic in bed with a nasty, reactionary audience: elderly and religious conservatives, the Tea Party movement; Glen Beck; Fox News; bizarre conspiracy theorist, Alex Jones; the Republican Party; and a bigoted homophobe who claims to agree with what he imagines as Monckton's attitude to gays:

Right wing conservatives like Jacob Rees Mogg joined in saying that because of the obsession of «the doomsayers of the quasi religious Green movement» poor people «may die because they can't afford fuel»