Sentences with phrase «religious program viewing»

This high rate of religious program viewing matches their expressed interests and their needs to overcome loneliness and to lift their spirits.

Males: Money and Nature's Product, which had a religious program viewing rate of 136 percent had an average interest factor for religion of -.26.

Frank and Greenberg suggest that their high rate of religious program viewing of 164 percent satisfies their need for social integration because of separation from other adult companionship.

The group Mixed: News and Information, which had a religious program viewing rate of 154 percent had an average interest factor for religion of -.29.

Their rate of religious program viewing is 164 percent.

Their rate of religious program viewing is 154 percent, although they are heavy users of television in general both for entertainment and as a means of keeping informed about the world in which they live.

Their rate of religious program viewing is high, 191 percent.

Not exact matches

In March 2009, Coppedge claims that his supervisor advised him that co-workers had complained that he was harassing them over debates about his religious views and coercing them in the workplace into watching DVD programs about intelligent design.

The Crystal Cathedral, with its fountains and flowers, catches — as other major religious television programs holding different world views do not — the awareness that the world and its inhabitants are good and that in such recognition the world moves toward wholesome fulfillment.

The FCC has also avoided ruling on the representativeness of religious programs in relation to particular issues or religious - affiliation patterns in a viewing area.

Viewers of sustaining - time religious programs have never been as loyal or demonstrative, nor has this aspect of viewing been cultivated.

On the other hand, 14 per cent claimed that their viewing of religious programs was a «substitute for going to church,» and about 20 per cent said that they watched religious programs on Sundays during church hours.

The regional survey's similar «literalist / charismatic» scale also showed a strong correlation between holding such beliefs and viewing religious programs.

The viewing audience for religious programs is far smaller than has been claimed.

Because religious conservatives sense this conflict between general television and their own values and beliefs, their viewing of religious programs is both an act of protest against general television and an expression of support for the beliefs associated with religious programs.

The national survey used an index of evangelical belief (as opposed to membership in an evangelical denomination), which showed that holding these beliefs was more strongly associated with the viewing of religious programs than any other single factor, including contributing to or attending church, participation in community activities, income, age or sex.

He also showed from the Nielsen statistics that those who subscribe to cable TV are actually less likely to view religious programs than those without cable.4.

To get around this problem with religious TV viewers, the Annenberg researchers went to several previous months of Arbitron television viewers «diaries, looked up the actual programs watched by day, hour and channel in the TV Guide, and thereby identified «confirmed viewing» — in other words, what people really watched.

The national survey used the «literalist / charismatic» index of evangelical belief (as opposed to membership in an evangelical denomination), which showed that holding these beliefs was more strongly associated with the viewing of religious programs than any other single factor — including attending church, contributing to a church, participating in community activities, income, age, or sex.

For this reason they understand their viewing of religious programs as both an act of protest against the «evils» of general television and an affirmation of their support for the worldview expressed within the electronic - church programs.

14 % said that their viewing of religious programs was «a substitute for going to church», and about 20 % said that they watched religious programs on Sundays during church hours.

Moreover, religious observers and publicists create for themselves pseudoreligious absolutes out of political machinery and programs that are more wisely and effectively viewed in pragmatic terms by the diplomatist.

The lightest viewing of religious programs takes place by the following interest segments: Males: Mechanics and Outdoor Life, 13 percent; Youth: Competitive Sports and Science / Engineering, 39 percent; Mixed: Cosmopolitan Self - Enrichment, 31 percent; and Female: Family - Integrated Activities, 48 percent.

The persuasiveness of religious programs toward change appear to be greatest when they are viewed by a person who is in a state of attitude imbalance or transition and seeking new forms of gratification for his or her needs; when they are viewed by a person for whom religious faith has always been a viable, if not vital, option; when the options being presented are seen as realistic and leading to a desirable end; when opportunity for demonstration exists in proximate distance to the viewing situation; and when the attitude or behavior is not central to the individual's self - concept and ego - functioning.

The research figures indicate that religious television programs are consistently viewed by only a small percentage of the American population.

Where criticism comes from the viewer's own denomination, the basis of common concern is maximized and the viewer is encouraged to view religious programs critically in order to discern that which is dissonant with other aspects of their faith.

Religious programs on American television have traditionally been viewed by older rather than younger people; females rather than males; and the less - educated rather than the more - educated.

In 1962 Dennis found that people viewed religious programs for other than religious reasons.

Using a sample of 3,559 households, the study examined the radio and television viewing habits of both secular and religious programs by residents of the community of New Haven, Connecticut.

Robinson, in his study of the audience of religious programs in seven cities in the United States in 1964, found that the lowest levels of formal education were much more likely to listen to or view religious programs regularly.

Because of the complex interaction of religious broadcasting with other social characteristics such as broader religious and cultural movements, changing social uses of mass media, and changing historical circumstances, it is unlikely that a simple cause - effect relationship between the viewing of religious programs on television and individual faith and church interaction could ever be isolated.

This means that only five religious programs attracted more than one percent of the possible national viewing audience per average telecast during the four - week survey.

The research suggests, therefore, that while the overall trend is for the viewing of religious programs to decrease as educational and income level increases, changes in the composition of the audience can be effected through the particular format and content adopted.

I do, however, believe religious views are constantly pushed on me, my children, my grandchildren and public school science programs.

Frank and Greenberg suggest that their heavy viewing of religious programs probably helps to satisfy their needs for support and contact and reinforcement of the more traditional values associated with American life.

However, for people who are dissatisfied with their local church, who have little established connection with a local church, or whose religious consciousness may be awakened by a viewed religious program, the research indicates that paid - time religious programs, by presenting themselves as competent alternatives to the local church, offering a range of services similar to the local church, and not referring respondents or enquirers to a local church, may be acting as a barrier to people's developing their faith most fully within this interpersonal context.

Dennis found that General Protestants and Reformed Protestants as groups viewed religious programs significantly less than did Pietistic Protestants, though this may reflect the influence of other common variables such as occupation, education, and income.

Several of the findings from this uses - and - gratifications approach are of direct importance for understanding the nature of the audience of religious television programs and the reasons for viewing.

One of the most in - depth studies of the reasons why people may view religious programs on television is that of Frank and Greenberg, published under the title The Public's Use of Television: Who Watches and Why.

It has been noted already that religious television viewing increases significantly with age and that older viewers demonstrate an increased interest in serious content on television, especially news and public - affairs programming, as compensation for losses of more social sources of information and engagement.

As part of the larger study, Frank and Greenberg also studied the viewing of religious programs on television.

Lacking the durability of personal relationships with their viewing audience, they must avoid any demands on their audience which would give them cause to change channels to another program or another religious broadcaster.

For educational levels beyond high school, however, listening and viewing of religious programs decreased rapidly.

Another is that by broad - casting on Sunday mornings, the paid - time religious broadcaster is more likely to be seen by those for whom Sunday morning is a recognized worship period, the sympathetic viewer whose viewing and support is essential for paid - time programs.

Most religious programs that purchase their air - time are supported by funds solicited from their viewing audiences.

He also found that as family income increased, men especially were less likely to view religious programs.

The high rate of viewing in this group is reflected in their dominance in the overall religious program audience.

As Whitehead's formulation of his program becomes plausible, his basic philosophical problem will become clear: Only a relativistic cosmology, in Whitehead's view, «brings the aesthetic, moral, and religious interests into relation with those concepts of the world which have their origin in natural science» (PR xii / vi).

Winter (instead of Christmas) programs, which have the flavor of the season but little or no religious content, are viewed as «kosher.»

School leaders need to understand as Principal Kelly finally did, that the practice of religious indoctination can no longer be viewed in any sense to be an educational program, it is merely a missionary exploitation of the executive power we place in schools, and depends on subterfuge, misdirection and deceit.