Sentences with phrase «religious programs on»

One of the justifications the paid - time religious broadcasters have given for their monopolizing of the airwaves, their displacement of other religious programs on television, and their commercializing of religion on television is that through such an approach they have been able to overcome the barriers that have restricted religious broadcasters who have been dependent on the goodwill of stations and networks.

This evidence, which appears in general communication research, suggests that while religious programs on television may be effective in motivating a person to consider religious questions and needs, they may also project themselves as being the satisfactory answer to those needs.

This research insight may imply that religious programs on television will be limited in their effectiveness with those age groups which do not use television as a source of gratification for serious content, and therefore that television should exist as only one element in a much broader strategy for ministry and evangelism.

Table 7.3 indicates that independent evangelical groups in 1981 accounted for 83.3 percent of the top of syndicated religious programs on television.

The recent eruption of paid - time religious programs on the modern scene has raised many questions about the audience of these programs.

Of interest also is the phenomenon already noted; the extent to which paid - time religious programs on television are bypassing reference to the group expressions and aspects of religious faith in favor of an individualized and privatized faith.

Far from being a broad medium of communication, religious programs on television appear to be a specialized programming service for a specialized audience.

As part of the larger study, Frank and Greenberg also studied the viewing of religious programs on television.

One of the most in - depth studies of the reasons why people may view religious programs on television is that of Frank and Greenberg, published under the title The Public's Use of Television: Who Watches and Why.

There appear to be three main reasons for the concentration of religious programs on Sundays: (1) Sunday is the traditional day of Christian worship and therefore seemed most appropriate for Christian broadcasts; (2) Christian broadcasts on the networks were originally conceived as alternatives for those, such as shut - ins, who could not attend regular services at a church; (6)(3) Sunday morning was the period of lowest audience for broadcasters and therefore was the least commercially damaging for stations in fulfilling their FCC obligations by providing free air - time for religious broadcasts.

The implications of this alternative counseling service provided for church members must be considered in evaluating the effect of paid - time religious programs on the life of the local church: is it a complementary service or a substitutionary one?

A second implication of the uses - and - gratifications research for understanding why people watch religious programs on television is the insight that uses made of the media and gratifications derived from these uses change over an individual's life span.

The research indicates that the dominant audience of religious programs on American television is people who are already religiously interested and church attenders.

There are several ways in which religious programs on television may be effective in building the membership of local churches: One is by the addition of new members, the other is by the reactivation of old ones.

It is difficult to calculate accurately the total number of people who regularly or occasionally watch religious programs on American television, because of the confusion in some of the available data.

These figures certainly do not tally with other research, such as the Nielsen surveys which list the combined audience for all syndicated religious programs on television in November 1980 as 19.1 million adults and children.

(7) A similar poll conducted in 1980 for the American Research Corporation in Irvine, California, and published in a report titled «Profile of the Christian Marketplace,» found that as many as 40 million adults watch some religious programs on a reasonably regular basis.

There may be a substantial number of viewers who watch religious programs on an occasional basis.

Because of the complex interaction of religious broadcasting with other social characteristics such as broader religious and cultural movements, changing social uses of mass media, and changing historical circumstances, it is unlikely that a simple cause - effect relationship between the viewing of religious programs on television and individual faith and church interaction could ever be isolated.

The dominance of paid - time religious programs on television at present is possibly creating a substantial status - conferral effect.

These programs now represent the large majority of religious programs on television.

Religious programs on American television have traditionally been viewed by older rather than younger people; females rather than males; and the less - educated rather than the more - educated.

The poll indicates that for the three evangelical subgroups identified by the survey, 47 percent, 46 percent, and 45 percent, respectively, indicated that they either didn't watch or didn't know how much time they spent watching religious programs on television each week, and another 9 percent, 6 percent, and 5 percent indicated they watched for less than one hour each week.

There is little evidence to support the contention that religious programs on television are increasing the overall membership of the church.

As noted, the majority of the audience of religious television programs are people who are already actively involved in a local church and there is therefore little empirical evidence to support the contention that religious programs on television are «draining people out of the local churches.»

14 % said that their viewing of religious programs was «a substitute for going to church», and about 20 % said that they watched religious programs on Sundays during church hours.

On the other hand, 14 per cent claimed that their viewing of religious programs was a «substitute for going to church,» and about 20 per cent said that they watched religious programs on Sundays during church hours.

«The audience for religious programs on television is not an essentially new, or young, or varied audience.

Religious programs on television are not a new phenomenon: they have been a part of the schedule since television's first year of operation, just as religious programs were some of the earlier types of broadcasts on radio.

By relegating the determination of religious programming on television to individual stations, it has placed religious faith into the hands of the economic marketplace, thus giving a distinct advantage to those expressions of religious faith which are economically competitive.

There have been many attempts to explain how the paid - time broadcasters have come to dominate the religious programming on television.

Broadcast Institute of North America, «Religious Programming on Television: An Analysis of a Sample Week,» New York, 1973, p. 47.

An analysis of current religious programming on American television reveals the influence of this shaping effect on religious programming also: particular religious traditions are presented to the exclusion of others; there are apparent similarities between the content of many religious programs and general television programming; and there are similarities in religious program formats and content even in programs from a range of different theological traditions and experience.

There have been no studies yet which draw specific comparisons between the total amount of religious programming on television in different historical periods.

Contrary to what paid - time broadcasters maintain, research suggests that in addition to the displacement of other types of programming, the recent growth of paid - time religious programming may have resulted in less rather than more religious programming on television.

While the evidence for such a proposition remains tentative, its tentativeness calls into question the certainty with which paid - time religious broadcasters assert that their efforts in competing on the basis recognized by the television industry (i.e., financial competence) have been responsible for increasing the amount of religious programming on television.

Audience figures presented in detail in the next chapter suggest that these syndicated programs have displaced higher - rating network programs, which may also result in a smaller audience for religious programming on television.

The adoption of purchasing of air - time and audience solicitation as the basis for religious programming on television does not necessarily result in the breaking out of the religious ghetto, but has mainly resulted in religion's becoming more firmly ensconced in it.

These efforts appear designed to break into the monopoly held by the independent evangelical organizations, and hold possibilities for restoring some representativeness to religious programming on television.

The plateau reached in 1977 and the demographic characteristics of the audience attained at this point provide a different picture and a different perspective: that paid - time religious programming on television is not a universal model of religious faith for the future but is primarily a specialized programming service for a specialized audience.

By undercutting the moral basis of representativeness in religious programming on television, the paid - time religious broadcasters have removed one of the major contributions that religious groups could have made in influencing television in America: that of acting as agents in challenging the television industry to act within its moral responsibility as a utility for genuine social communication.

Not exact matches

She focused on the Klan for her dissertation as part of a PhD program in American religious history, and her thoughts on what she learned are illuminating — but not about the Klan.

In addition to making policy recommendations on administration policies affecting faith - based and community programs, the newly - formed office will also inform the administration of «any failures of the executive branch to comply with religious liberty protections under law.»

I listen to how they talk about matters of faith, religion, what they watch on their favorite religious tv programs, often listening as well to their radios playing their favored «Christian music» radio stations in the background, what are in the lyrics.

Making religious programming more representative of British society, including other religions and atheists on Thought of the Day and Songs of Praise

Essays on censorship, ethinic programming, pornography, popular religious practices, media criticism, effects research, ritual and transmission models of communication.

Emergency shelters and feeding programs, for example, rely heavily on church and synagogue facilities and religious volunteers; the government supplies all or a part of the operating costs of food, blankets and the like.

By 1959, 53 percent of all religious time on television was occupied by programs that purchased their air - time, compared to 47 percent by all other types of religious programs.

The practice of the networks was to produce religious programs, either by making production facilities, technical services and some budget resources available to the religious groups for the production of their own programs, or by using these religious agencies as consultants on their own religious programs.

His program consisted solely of a speech or classroom lecture on a religious or moral subject, presented in a study - type set, with the aid of a blackboard on which he occasionally illustrated a point being made.