The concept was also an important aspect of the more radical 17th - century
republican tradition of Spinoza, from whom Rousseau differed in important respects, but not in his insistence on the importance of equality:
(CNN)-- Iowa Gov. Terry Branstad suggested it may be time to lay the idiosyncratic Iowa
Republican tradition of the Ames Straw Poll to rest.
The historian Quentin Skinner and the philosopher Philip Pettit have in recent years revived a distinctively
republican tradition of thought about liberty.
Not exact matches
«I bet that the
Republicans follow the short - term
tradition of forgoing debate and simply voting to disapprove the rule, dumping years
of work down the drain because an industry lobbyist asked them to.»
These would include
tradition, guidance by accumulated wisdom, constitutionalism, and a civic
republican vision
of the orator as an ethical representative
of the formation and endurance
of a beneficial community.
They say that «Most Americans, 60 %, know that presumptive
Republican presidential nominee Mitt Romney is a Mormon» (which would mean that 40 % don't know) and that «32 %
of Americans don't know that Romney is Mormon, and another 9 % identify him as the member
of another
tradition, the Pew survey found.»
Another vision
of democracy; however, sees it not only in terms
of its result (private freedoms) but in terms
of its foundation upon the virtues known in the classic
tradition as «
republican» or «civic» virtues.
Instead my four co-authors and I speak
of «the biblical and
republican traditions,» which we do not claim to be identical but which we see as deeply interrelated.
Huffington Post: Newt Gingrich's Catholic Conversion Is Part
of a Larger Spiritual Shift in His Life and Politics As former Speaker
of the House Newt Gingrich's star continues to rise ahead
of GOP
Republican primaries, he has had less time for what in recent years has become a calming, soothing Sunday
tradition: sitting in the pews at the cavernous National Shrine
of the Immaculate Conception in Washington, praying to Jesus and the Virgin Mary during noon Mass while listening to his wife sing in the choir.
They were the product
of an extensive study
of traditions of republican thought and institutions from the entire history
of the West.
Republican religion did much to lay the historical groundwork for the
tradition of religious liberty and limited separation
of church and state, as it did to nurture creative minorities like the abolitionists, social gospelers, and civil - rights protesters.
Since the «
republican»
tradition did not prevail among a majority
of convention delegates, Arthur suggests that we must look elsewhere to find the main current
of American political thought.
The
republicans (i.e., the reluctant supporters and anti-Federalist opponents
of the new Constitution) supported a
tradition of political thought that wanted to see government «make
of its citizens the best people they are capable
of becoming,» to inculcate moral virtue as it was defined by each concrete political community.
If this analysis is correct, Evangelicals and committed members
of other religious
traditions could find themselves united in the
Republican Party facing Seculars and less committed members in other
traditions among the Democrats.
It was a longstanding principle
of the civic
republican tradition that power follows wealth; and for that reason a rough equality
of property was assumed to be one
of the prerequisites
of a democratic republic.
Somehow we have never established a strong academic
tradition of self - reflection about the meaning
of our institutions, and as our institutions changed and our
republican mores corroded, even what knowledge we had began to slip away.
Behind the best
of our languages they find, as Tocqueville did, relatively inert
traditions that all five authors presumably wish were more active: biblical thought and imagery, and
republican discourse and institutions.
Carter then proceeds to show how various events (like the Civil War), conditions (like the closing
of the frontier), ideas (like popular views
of religion and science), and personalities (like Presidents and cultural arbiters) have challenged, imperiled, undermined, stretched, invigorated, defended, or nourished that
republican tradition.
Yet contrary to his belief that this restoration
of the epic
republican tradition is no longer possible, a powerful and vibrant strand
of revolutionary republicanism continued to flourish in Europe and the rest
of the world throughout the 19th and 20th centuries.
The ideal Pettit claims characterises the
republican tradition is that
of freedom as non-domination, an understanding eclipsed by Bentham's Hobbes - inspired polemics against the rebellious North American colonists.
This should hardly be surprising, given the breadth and depth
of the
republican tradition, but it is disappointing, given Pettit's public role as, for example, an assessor
of the
republican credentials
of Zapatero's government in Spain.
Nor is that to say anything
of the Francophone or German
republican traditions through the eighteenth and nineteenth century, in which theorists as different as Fichte and Tocqueville can be located, or
of the forms (anti--RRB- colonial republicanism took outside the eastern seaboard
of North America.
The work to create free
republicans is a pattern
of practice as much as it is a
tradition of thought, and anonymity is the essence
of virtuous
republican practice.
The lack
of attention to the diversity and particularity
of thinkers in the
republican tradition impoverishes it and so makes it less useful and attractive to us as a source from which we can draw contemporary political inspiration.
Accordingly, this collective work to create revolutions, and the revolutions themselves, provide a furnace
of ideas that shaped the
republican tradition more than anything else: these mechanisms, these virtues, these practices, all define the collective endeavour to build republics.
Thus, Pettit's reconstruction
of the
republican tradition does at least two unfortunate things.
A
republican tradition without either The Federalist Papers or The Social Contract, texts which are clearly central to the two great
republican revolutions
of the late eighteenth century in France and North America, would be rather poor though.
More specifically, particular notions
of slavery that were drawn upon when establishing conceptions
of liberty amongst a broad variety
of republican movements had a profound influence on the way the
tradition coheres.
Any attempt to draw on the
republican tradition for contemporary political insight needs to be aware, then,
of the variety
of thinkers who fall within it and the specificity
of the problems they were trying to solve.
Other figures in the
republican tradition could be used to show the strangeness
of Pettit's view too.
The collection
of essays from around the globe explores a renewed interest in the
republican tradition.
The question
of the place
of military training in relation to civil and political life arises for some theorists, especially in
republican traditions.
Rousseau was a
republican who applied these principles to his thinking on the economy, and it is this
tradition of economic republicanism that is now being re-examined within academia.
Politics in Spires: The recent revival
of republican political theory has sometimes presented the
republican tradition as united around a conception
of liberty — liberty as non-domination — and a set
of institutional prescriptions.
The
republican tradition brings in to sharper focus than any other the problem
of human freedom among human beings who are necessarily independent.
The measure backed by Sen. Brad Hoylman is squarely aimed at one candidate from the last year:
Republican President - elect Donald Trump, who refused to submit to the post-Watergate scandal
tradition of releasing tax information.
This view
of property, prominent in Rousseau and presupposed in the broader
republican tradition, is scarcely questionable in view
of the salient diversity in systems
of property.
That the radical democracy and participatory budgeting practiced by these citizen - led movements are not commonly read as
republican signifies the failure
of the
tradition to shed the legacy
of its classical roots.
The idea
of a
republican economy does not belong to any specific, narrowly - defined ideological
tradition — it cuts across them — and it certainly does not belong to any particular political party.
The democratic
republican tradition goes back to Athens after 461 BCE with the triumph
of a revolutionary democratic programme led by the poor (free men)
of the polis.
Freedom in the
republican tradition requires enjoyment
of the fundamental liberties with the security that only a rule
of law can provide.
«The Democratic Party heals much more quickly than the
Republican Party because we experience a lot more in terms
of primaries and our party has a history and a
tradition of disagreeing.
Accepting this slogan risks failing to learn from a rich
republican tradition, whose insights are relevant to many
of the social and economic problems being encountered today, not simply the emergence
of a super-wealthy economic elite.
The democratic
republican tradition was missing in action for most
of the next half century.
Reeves and Collins are happy to let the House
of Lords «wither on the vine», express an anti-pluralist instinct for unicameralism rather more common in the collectivist
tradition than the democratic
republican one.
Trump's apparent commitment to stand by incumbent
Republican senators against his former campaign CEO and White House strategist shows that even a
tradition - bucking president may hew to the party line in the interest
of moving his agenda forward and maintaining a governing majority.
Throughout Suffolk County's rich
Republican history and
tradition, the Suffolk County GOP has led efforts in promoting party principles
of fiscal responsibility and accountability, limited government, opportunity for all and a strong national defense.
For current purposes, however, they help to demonstrate the commercial
republicans can not fully avoid the concern with corruption — the privileging
of private interests over the common good — that exercised the classical
republican tradition.
Rousseau's ideas about the common good and citizenship place him in a classical
tradition of republican thought that was mostly hostile to commerce and commercial society.
Spain is an example
of a nation that has been guided by
republican principles, drawing on a long and deeply ingrained
republican tradition in that country.