The Court made a number of comments in reaching this conclusion, which suggest that federalism concerns, and particularly the doctrine of «interjurisdictional immunity» in favour of Canada's exclusive jurisdiction over «Indians and lands reserved for Indians», have no place at all in assessing the infringement of section 35
rights by provincial laws of general application.
Not exact matches
In support of his position, the father relied on the «Haudenosaunee
right to be subject, [solely] and exclusively, to the family
law and child support and parenting processes under Haudenosaunee
law», which relates to the inherent
right to self - government recognized and affirmed
by the Constitution, and that the Haudenosaunee «have not accepted the imposition of Canadian
laws that touch on matters central to their society, namely governance and the application of
provincial and federal statutory regimes that infringe on their core identity as a people».
For example, a legal expense insurance (LEI) program, anchored within
provincial legal aid organizations is necessary to make the rule of
law and constitutional
rights and freedoms available to all of society; see this recommendation explained in the article
by, Sujit Choudhry, Michael Trebilcock, and James Wilson, «Growing Legal Aid Ontario into the Middle Class: A Proposal for Public Legal Expense Insurance,» in, Middle Income Access to Justice, edited
by, Michael Trebilcock, Anthony Duggan, and Lorne Sossin (University of Toronto Press, 2012), at pp. 385 - 410, and see Michael Trebilcock, Ontario Ministry of the Attorney General, Report of the Legal Aid Review 2008 [the «Trebilcock Report»].
Rather than trying blackball TWU at the
law society, if its opponents truly oppose its behaviour, they should lobby the
provincial government to amend the BC human
rights code to prohibit its actions (and consider the implications of doing so for other parties — the same provision relied upon
by TWU also permits rape centers to refuse to hire transgendered persons.
So the notion that the constitution could bridge the boundaries that are too often created
by provincial laws and that the justices could find a
right to economic liberty in the way that they've laudably found
rights to so many other pieces of modern Canada was dazzlingly tempting to many of our brightest commentators and public policy thinkers.
And democracy should mean that a regulation enacted
by the
provincial executive should not deny litigants
rights conferred or not interfered with
by democratically enacted
provincial statutes, which the hearing fees will do in cases arising under
provincial law.
... Making it impossible for people to go to court to vindicate their
rights arguably amounts to their de facto abolition — yet the province can not abolish constitutional and federal statutory
rights, and further, it is abolition
by stealth, which is not permissible even for
provincial statutory and common
law rights.
The articles focus primarily on pending federal and
provincial human
rights complaints spearheaded
by four
law students and the Canadian Islamic Congress against Macleans Magazine.
The Parti Québécois tried to make political hay in early February when it jumped on a La Presse story that revealed that 46 of the 180 lawyers with the Montreal - based business
law firm BCF had contributed a total of $ 20,000 to the coffers of Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ), a new
right - wing
provincial political party led
by former PQ cabinet minister and businessman François Legault — and for which BCF co-founder and managing partner Mario Charpentier is in charge of finances.
If there was a separate jurisdictional province, a «separate legal entity», where housing, education and all other
provincial rights are provided
by law to all its residents, then we could have the beginning of a legal body to speak for all First Nations separately and collectively to address property
rights and territorial
rights as well as housing and education.