On the other hand, insecure and disorganized attachment put children at increasing
risk of problem behaviours and psychopathologies.
Not exact matches
A 2010 study published in
Behaviour Research and Therapy found that kids who lack
problem - solving skills may be at a higher
risk of depression and suicidality.
The psychosocial outcome receiving the most attention from researchers is
problem behaviour, with most studies finding perceived negative reactivity in infancy to predict
problem behaviour in childhood33, 34 and adolescent.35 Specifically, infants prone to high levels
of fear, frustration, and sadness, as well as difficulty recovering from such distress, were found to be at increased
risk for internalizing and externalizing
problem behaviours according to parental and / or teacher report.
Secondary prevention programs target fathers and families where children are at
risk for future
problems due to family issues, developmental challenges or signs
of signficant
behaviour / emotional
problems.
But in general, there is limited and no clear evidence that breastfed babies are at lower
risk of developing
behaviour or mental health
problems in later life.
Sufferers often experience severe distress and changes in
behaviour and mood and have a much increased
risk of suicide and health
problems.
This will reduce the
risk of several health
problems, minimize offensive spraying or other territorial
behaviour, and prevent your cat from contributing to the tragic
problem of pet overpopulation.
Management must be trained in «preventing inappropriate
behaviours from escalating»; «identifying
risks, diagnosing
problems and fostering dialogue»; «handling
of complaints in an appropriate and responsible manner»; as well as «ethics and accountability.»
Mothers most commonly reported that their children were in the care
of relatives (65 %) with 11 % reporting that their child was in the child protection system.15 Disruption to a child's living arrangements, including separation from parents and siblings, can result in psychological and emotional distress.16 17 A recent systematic review and meta - analysis
of 40 studies that investigated child outcomes when either parent was incarcerated found a significant association with antisocial
behaviour (pooled OR = 1.6, 95 % CI 1.4 to 1.9) and poor educational performance (pooled OR = 1.4, 95 % CI 1.1 to 1.8).18 Other research indicates that children
of incarcerated mothers are at
risk of increased criminal involvement, mental health issues, physical health
problems, behavioural
problems, 19 child protection contact20 and poorer educational outcomes.21
A total difficulties score ranging from 0 to 40 was derived by summing all subscales excluding prosocial
behaviours.16 Total difficulties scores are considered to provide an indicator
of level
of risk for emotional or behavioural
problems.
Felitti and colleagues1 first described ACEs and defined it as exposure to psychological, physical or sexual abuse, and household dysfunction including substance abuse (
problem drinking / alcoholic and / or street drugs), mental illness, a mother treated violently and criminal
behaviour in the household.1 Along with the initial ACE study, other studies have characterised ACEs as neglect, parental separation, loss
of family members or friends, long - term financial adversity and witness to violence.2 3 From the original cohort
of 9508 American adults, more than half
of respondents (52 %) experienced at least one adverse childhood event.1 Since the original cohort, ACE exposures have been investigated globally revealing comparable prevalence to the original cohort.4 5 More recently in 2014, a survey
of 4000 American children found that 60.8 %
of children had at least one form
of direct experience
of violence, crime or abuse.6 The ACE study precipitated interest in the health conditions
of adults maltreated as children as it revealed links to chronic diseases such as obesity, autoimmune diseases, heart, lung and liver diseases, and cancer in adulthood.1 Since then, further evidence has revealed relationships between ACEs and physical and mental health outcomes, such as increased
risk of substance abuse, suicide and premature mortality.4 7
«One is that on average, children whose parents separate are at increased
risk for a range
of outcomes like
behaviour problems or not finishing education.
Evidence that group parenting programmes can change parenting practices and is cost - effective in treating conduct disorder and child
behaviour problems is strong.17, 18 There is also good evidence that they are effective in preventing behavioural
problems in high -
risk groups identified by socioeconomic deprivation, ethnic group and experience
of life events.19 — 22 Although many parenting programmes have been developed and evaluated, 23, 24 most
of this evidence is related to two programmes: the Incredible Years Programme25, 26 and Triple P. 27, 28
Given the high prevalence rates and low consultation rates
of these two
behaviours, we suggest that these high -
risk behaviours should be considered as a public health
problem.
In preschool and during middle childhood, neglected children are more likely to be socially withdrawn and experience negative interactions with their peers.9, 12 Additionally, neglected children may have significant internalizing
problems such as withdrawal, somatic complaints, anxiety and depression when compared to physically - abused and sexually - abused children.7 Similar to adults with a history
of physical abuse, adults with a history
of neglect are at increased
risk for violent criminal
behaviour.13
Children
of mothers who have recurrent depression in addition to anxiety, antisocial
behaviour or
problem alcohol use, are at increased
risk of developing a new psychiatric condition
Victims
of abuse are at high
risk for poor health, related not only to the physical trauma they have endured, but also to high rates
of other social
risk factors associated with poor health.22 Abused children have high rates
of growth
problems, untreated vision and dental
problems, infectious diseases, developmental delay, mental health and behavioural
problems, early and risky sexual
behaviours, and other chronic illnesses, but child welfare and health care systems historically have not addressed the health needs
of dependent children.23 - 33 Compared to children in foster care, maltreated children who remain at home exhibit similarly high rates
of physical, developmental and mental health needs.34
Victims have been shown to experience more post-traumatic stress and dissociation symptoms than non-abused children, 8 as well as more depression and conduct
problems.9 They engage more often in at -
risk sexual
behaviours.10 Victims are also more prone to abusing substances, 11 and to suicide attempts.12 These mental health
problems are likely to continue into adulthood.13 CSA victims are also more at
risk than non-CSA youth to experience violence in their early romantic relationships; 14 women exposed to CSA have a two to three-fold
risk of being sexually revictimized in adulthood compared with women without a history
of CSA exposure.15
Most trials
of the effectiveness
of parenting programmes have been conducted in North America, and have taken a secondary preventive (indicated) approach (working with parents
of children who already have
behaviour problems) or a selective primary preventive approach working with parents at high
risk.11 A recent study in the UK has shown the effectiveness
of the Webster - Stratton parenting programme in an indicated approach among parents
of children who had been referred to child mental health services.16
Background: Recent research on early interventions with parents
of infants at
risk of externalising
behaviour problems indicates that focusing on co-parenting and involving fathers in treatment may enhance effectiveness.
Some children who have additional needs resulting from chronic illness, intellectual disability, or
behaviour or developmental difficulties might be more at
risk of developing academic
problems or difficulties with relationships at school.
Data are collected on service provision, main and additional
problem substances, initial treatment provision,
risk behaviours and main socio - demographic characteristics
of treated cases.
Group parenting programmes have been shown to have a positive impact on the mental health
of children and parents in the short term.9 — 12 Positive results have been obtained from randomised controlled trials and other studies with parents
of children with clinically defined
behaviour disorders, 9,13,14 children at high
risk of behaviour problems, 9,15 and to a lesser extent with normal populations.16, 17 They have also been obtained in trials
of interventions for parents and children
of different ages.18, 19 The number
of trials carried out in the UK is small.13, 15,20,21 A recent systematic review concluded that these programmes are effective in the long term, 12 but most
of the trials on which this review was based used a waiting list control design, and as a result outcome data are not reported on the control groups beyond 6 months.
Such access creates a greater
risk of future
problem gambling
behaviours, with research showing that 40 per cent
of adolescents report a preoccupation with gambling or intent to gamble in the future,» Kathy concluded.
In terms
of development and emotional wellbeing, 60 %
of the children were at high
risk of developmental disability focussed on parental concerns about school,
behaviour and language; while 40 % had a moderate
risk of emotional and behavioural
problems.
Intensive cognitive
behaviour therapy plus routine care — This intervention had three components: coping strategy enhancement, aimed at teaching patients specific methods
of coping with their symptoms; training in
problem solving; and strategies to reduce
risk of relapse.
Excess iodine intake in the mother may block thyroid function in the fetus, leading to hypothyroidism and goitre, and is associated with poorer mental and psychomotor development or
behaviour problems in children.22 56 64 However, the
risk for adverse effects
of iodine supplementation is higher in cases
of preconception ID due to sudden increase
of iodine intake, and should therefore not be the case in Sweden where the normal population is iodine sufficient.65
Childhood
risk factors were assessed up to 9 years
of age: neurodevelopmental characteristics (perinatal insults, gross motor skills, and intelligence quotient); parental characteristics (mother's internalising symptoms, including depression and anxiety, mother — child interactions, criminal conviction history, and parental disagreement about discipline); family characteristics (number
of residence changes, socioeconomic status, unwanted sexual contact, and loss
of a parent); and child
behaviour and temperament (inhibited or undercontrolled temperament, peer
problems, and depressive symptoms).
Parental modelling
of fearful
behaviour and avoidant strategies is also likely to increase a child's
risk of developing later emotional health
problems.6 An anxious parent may be more likely to model anxious
behaviour or may provide threat and avoidant information to their child, increasing the child's
risk of anxiety disorder.
They are also at heighten
risk of developing internalizing (e.g., depression) and externalizing (e.g., aggressive
behaviour)
problem behaviours in comparison to children
of non depressed mothers.
Exemplary discoveries Our findings show that aggressive dispositions were moderately stable from kindergarten to grade 6 (e.g.,.56), whereas anxious - withdrawn
behaviour was not stable until grades 2 -LRB-.36) and 3 -LRB-.51).3, 4 The percentages
of children in a community sample (n = 2775) that could be classified into distinct
risk groups were: 15 % aggressive; 12 % anxious - withdrawn, and 8.5 % aggressive - withdrawn (comorbid).5 Predictive analyses showed that aggressive children who exceeded a
risk criterion in kindergarten exhibited increases in psychological and school maladjustment two years later.6 Anxious - withdrawn dispositions predicted early and later increases in internalizing
problems.5 Overall, the findings corroborate the premise that aggression and anxious - withdrawal are
risks for later maladjustment.
Design (and evaluate) prevention and intervention programs to promote a secure parent - infant attachment relationship in order to improve developmental outcomes
of infants and children who are at
risk for poor developmental outcomes and prevent
behaviour problems and psychopathology.
In part this association reflects a causal chain process in which parental conduct
problems are associated (directly or indirectly) with impaired parenting
behaviours that in turn influence
risks of conduct
problems in offspring.
Children with early - onset conduct
problems (CPs) are at high
risk for chronic antisocial and aggressive
behaviour, and a variety
of social and mental health
problems in adolescence and adulthood (e.g. delinquency, psychiatric disorders, substance use, school dropout; Fergusson et al. 2005; Kratzer and Hodgins 1997).
In addition, child maltreatment has been shown to have lifelong adverse health, social, and economic consequences for survivors, including behavioural
problems; increased
risk of delinquency, criminality and violent
behaviour; increased
risk of chronic diseases; lasting impacts or disability from physical injury; reduced health - related quality
of life; and lower levels
of economic well - being.
Finally, in a recent issue
of «The Psychologist» which is devoted to the topic
of aggressive and violent
behaviour, Sanders and Morawska have concluded that it is the quality
of parenting which is the strongest, potentially modifiable
risk factor contributing to early - onset conduct
problems.
Nevertheless, many families with known and measured
risks for
behaviour problems were recruited, with 39 %
of the sample at baseline reporting the
risk factors
of maternal depression, anxiety, substance misuse, partner conflict, social isolation and / or financial
problems.5
Shaw, D.S., Owens, E.B., Vondra, J.I., Keenan, K. and Winslow, E.B. (1996) «Early
risk factors and pathways in the development
of early disruptive
behaviour problems», Development and Psychopathology, pp679 - 699
Despite these issues
of controversy, preschool children who manifest severe
problem behaviour are at high
risk for continued
problem behaviour and are in need
of services.
Primary components
of psychoeducation include information about: the illness and the role
of medication; regulation
of biological rhythms (eg, the sleep — wake cycle); identification
of illness triggers; personal illness profiles (eg, identification
of prodromes); and relapse prevention plans.24 Other elements encompass
risk behaviour, including substance misuse, stress management and
problem - solving strategies.24, 25 The number
of sessions involved in psychoeducation programs varies, from five sessions in the first phase
of the Life Goals Program26 to 21 in another group - based psychoeducation program.27
Two posthoc tests
of interaction provided no evidence
of differential effects
of intervention on externalising or internalising
behaviour problems by preintervention
risk based on (1) a maternal mental health
problem (clinical - level depression, anxiety or stress) or (2) infant difficult temperament.
Children with externalising
problems and an elevated caries
risk may share similar temperamental
behaviours as children with an ADHD - associated diagnosis, and it could thus be possible to draw parallels with this group
of children.
To compare two groups
of children with externalising
behaviour problems, having low and elevated caries
risk, respectively.
The aim
of the present study was to compare two groups
of children with externalising
behaviour problems, having low and elevated caries
risks, respectively, in relation to behavioural characteristics and family structure and, further, to compare the caries
risk assessment and gender differences in relation to children in general in the Region
of Västra Götaland (RVG), Sweden.
There are more children with externalising
behaviour problems having an elevated caries
risk, compared to children in general in the Region
of Västra Götaland, Sweden.
Longitudinal research indicates that young children who develop disruptive
behaviour problems are at an elevated
risk for a host
of negative outcomes including chronic aggression and conduct
problems, substance abuse, poor emotion regulation, school failure, peer
problems and delinquency.4, 5 Early - appearing externalizing
behaviours can disrupt relationships with parents and peers, initiating processes that can maintain or exacerbate children's behavioural
problems.6 Therefore, very early intervention (e.g., in day care, preschool, or kindergarten) can be important in interrupting the potential path to chronic aggression in children who display aggressive
behaviour or who are at
risk for developing aggressive
behaviour.
Abstract: This study examines whether the Communities That Care (CTC) prevention system influences targeted
risk and protective factors and the subsequent development
of problem behaviour among adolescents (12 — 18 years) in the Netherlands.
Poor regulatory abilities often place the child at
risk of developing pathologies such as disruptive
behaviour problems or ADHD.9 In relation to
behaviour problems, it is important to distinguish between reactive aggression (emotionally - driven conduct
problems) and proactive aggression (unprovoked, unemotional aggression that is used for personal gain or to influence and coerce others).
This study examines whether the Communities That Care (CTC) prevention system influences targeted
risk and protective factors and the subsequent development
of problem behaviour among adolescents (12 — 18 years) in the Netherlands.
As a result
of these difficulties, individuals diagnosed with autism are at an increased
risk of developing and continuing to use
problem behaviours (Bradley et al. 2004).