Not exact matches
As waiting lists for
voucher lotteries and a 55 percent increase in charter -
school students since 2004 attest, many parents, and disproportionately poor and minority parents, appear more
than willing to shoulder this lamentable burden.
Recent analysis of the widely followed
voucher experiment in Milwaukee shows that low - income minority students who attended private
schools scored substantially better in reading and math after four years
than those who remained in public
schools.
Recent polls consistently show that African - Americans, especially poorer, inner - city people and those with
school - age children favor
vouchers more
than do middle - class whites.
One could hardly think of a suggestion more incompatible with the mindset of liberals in general, and liberal New York Jews in particular,
than providing educational
vouchers that could be used to subsidize enrollment at parochial
schools.
Having done this kind of work myself for many years in San Francisco, I can
vouch for how frustrating it can be, and yet, as a parent or guardian who really wants to make a difference in nutrition and health for an enormous number of children, there is really no better opportunity
than serving on your local
school nutrition parent advisory council.
The UFT has issued a memo warning of a potential loss of millions of dollars in federal funds for more
than 1,200 New York City public
schools if Trump's administration adopts a
voucher system for
schools.
More
than a third of U.S. states have created
school voucher programs that bypass thorny constitutional and political issues by turning them over to nonprofits that rely primarily on businesses to fund them.
More
than 700,000 students in more
than 1,200 New York City
schools — including large high
schools in all five boroughs — would face higher class sizes, have fewer teachers and lose after -
school academic and enrichment programs if President - elect Trump makes good on a campaign promise to pull billions of federal dollars away from public
schools to pay for private
vouchers, a UFT analysis has found.
«
School choice is enhanced when
voucher schools or other alternatives supported on the public dime report more rather
than less information,» said Cowen, associate professor of education policy and teacher education.
Schools that had received D grades and were close to the failing grade that could precipitate vouchers» being offered to their students, by contrast, appear to have achieved somewhat greater improvements than those achieved by the schools with higher state
Schools that had received D grades and were close to the failing grade that could precipitate
vouchers» being offered to their students, by contrast, appear to have achieved somewhat greater improvements
than those achieved by the
schools with higher state
schools with higher state grades.
They give a higher evaluation to private
schools than to public ones in their local community, but opposition to market - oriented
school - reform proposals such as performance pay for teachers and
school vouchers seems to be on the rise.
Though
voucher programs tend to receive more attention, more
than six in ten students attending private
school through an educational choice program are using tax - credit scholarships.
Education savings accounts operate like the «partial
voucher» that Friedman envisioned more
than a decade ago, allowing families to seek out the best educational opportunities for their students — whether those be in a private or parochial
school or a mix of non-traditional education options.
Because parish members receive a discount on their tuition, a
voucher student whose family belongs to the church nets the
school $ 1,700 less in state funds
than if they were nonmembers.
The estimated gain from being offered a
voucher is only half as large as the gain from switching to private
school (in response to being offered a
voucher), so the estimated impact of offering
vouchers is no more
than one - eighth as large as the black - white test score gap.
The research presently available on the potential of
vouchers to improve achievement in public
schools is also less
than conclusive.
Polling by Education Next and others continues to find that the public prefers universal programs to means - tested approaches — responding more positively, for instance, to the notion of
vouchers for all
than to
vouchers for low - income families only (see «The 2015 EdNext Poll on
School Reform,» features, Winter 2016).
Opposition to expanding
school choice through a universal
voucher initiative that «gives all students an opportunity to go to private
schools with government funding» is higher in this year's survey
than a year ago.
When comparable samples and measuring sticks are used, the improvement in test scores for black students from attending a small class based on the Tennessee STAR experiment is about 50 percent larger
than the gain from switching to a private
school based on the
voucher experiments in New York City, Washington, D.C., and Dayton, Ohio.
In Louisiana, participating private
schools that serve more
than forty
voucher students must administer all of the state tests to them.
From James Coleman's early observational studies of high
schools to the experimental
voucher evaluations of the past 15 years, researchers have routinely found that similar students do at least as well and, at times, better academically in private
schools than in public
schools.
In theory, the concept might appeal to those who think taxpayers who don't use public
schools should get other benefits instead — and to proponents of allowing parents even greater flexibility and choice
than vouchers offer them.
The most extreme claim in the essay, among many, is that «the effect of
vouchers on student achievement is larger
than the following in -
school factors: exposure to violent crime at
school...» Yep, you read that correctly: selecting a private
school for your child is as damaging to them as witnessing
school violence.
[3] Would poor students using
vouchers to attend private
schools do better
than if they remained in their public systems?
Indeed, according to the analysis conducted by the authors of this report, the use of
school vouchers — which provide families with public dollars to spend on private
schools — is equivalent to missing out on more
than one - third of a year of classroom learning.
The prohibition against
schools charging more
than the value of the
voucher is intended to ensure that low - income students are not turned away due to inability to pay.
Conversely, «if a white student uses a LSP
voucher to attend a
school that is more white
than its surrounding community, the transfer would be reducing integration at the new
school.»
Noting that I had raised concerns about the unintended consequences of prohibiting
voucher schools from setting their own admissions criteria or charging more
than the
voucher, Kingsland wrote:
In Bush v. Holmes (2006), the state supreme court struck down Florida's Opportunity Scholarship Program, a small
voucher program serving fewer
than 800 students, on the grounds that it fell afoul of the state constitution's «uniformity» clause, which allegedly prevents the state from funding any program outside of or «parallel» to the public
school system.
But 56 percent of independents thought teacher unions had «done more harm
than good,» 54 percent supported
school vouchers, and only 34 percent favored raising teacher salaries, once they had been informed about average salary levels in their state.
Paul E. Peterson speaks with Patrick Wolf of the University of Arkansas about his study finding that students in Milwaukee who received
vouchers to attend private
schools were 2 - 5 percentage points less likely to be accused or convicted of crimes
than comparable students who attended public
schools.
However, particularly if the
voucher value is relatively small, price ceilings mean that private
schools will likely only fill empty seats rather
than expand enrollment.
This or similar approaches (e.g., Kingsland's proposal to grant larger
vouchers for at - risk students) are more likely to yield wider private
school participation — and therefore greater access to quality
schools —
than a strict open admissions mandate.
The latest study — coming from Milwaukee — shows that the 9th graders from low income families who used
vouchers to go to Catholic
schools were much more likely to complete high
school within four years
than similar students who were in the city's public
schools.
Even
voucher advocates would agree that, because private
school choice is costly under the current system, parents who go private are likely to be more socially advantaged
than parents who remain in the public
schools.
We've gone from two, century - old
voucher programs in Maine and Vermont to having private
school choice in more
than half of the states.
There will be many opportunities with
vouchers, and teachers will get a great deal more satisfaction out of teaching in a
school that is serving their customers
than in serving the bureaucrats who run our government
schools now.
Less
than a month into their legislative session, Florida lawmakers are knee - deep in debate over a plan to provide taxpayer - financed tuition
vouchers to students in the state's most academically troubled
schools.
Such a strategy also calls for researchers to ask more nuanced questions
than simply whether or not
voucher programs are better
than public
school programs.
The history of the MPCP illustrates how
voucher programs can provide significant taxpayer savings when students voluntarily choose to attend
schools that draw less on public funds
than the
schools they would otherwise attend.
According to
school choice supporters, such as Marquette University professor and former Milwaukee Public
Schools (MPS) superintendent Howard Fuller, MPCP saves the taxpayers considerable cash, as the
voucher is smaller
than per - pupil spending by MPS.
August 16, 2016 — In 2016, public support for the Common Core State Standards and
school vouchers continues to fall, with
vouchers viewed more favorably by Democrats
than Republicans.
First, our evaluation found that families reported obtaining higher - quality services in a private setting with a McKay
voucher than they had received in public
schools.
There are more children being home
schooled than there are in all of the
voucher programs combined.
In the
voucher program's first five years, more
than $ 27 million that could have gone toward reduction of class size or other reforms for the 76,000 children who attend Cleveland's public
schools was instead diverted to
vouchers.
I would argue that enabling more poor children to attend religiously animated
schools, via
vouchers or tax credits, can play a much more beneficial role in their lives
than you allowed at the end of your conversation with Mike Petrilli.
But there's no evidence that children with disabilities need additional education options more
than any other youngsters in underperforming
schools, or that
vouchers address the underlying problems in special education.
Battles over
school vouchers have already taken place in more
than half the state legislatures, and they will go on.
«If you think Common Core snuck up on families with the less
than 1 percent of education dollars the Obama administration dangled in front of states, just wait until more public and private
schools are directly accepting federal control through federal
vouchers and the next Democratic administration decides they want to tell these
schools what to teach kids.»
Because they were more interested in promoting equality of opportunity
than simply consumer choice, sociologist Christopher Jencks and law professors John Coons and Stephen Sugarman proposed placing some constraints on how
vouchers could be used: Disadvantaged students would receive larger
vouchers, and regulations would prevent any
school that accepted
vouchers from imposing tuition and fees beyond the value of the
voucher.