As a result, even though the SNP government is now a minority one once more, it is the Greens — who have one more Holyrood
seat than the Liberal Democrats — who nowadays find themselves the pivotal players in the Edinburgh chamber.
Labour is a close challenger to the Conservatives in far more
seats than the Liberal Democrats are; any fall in the Conservative vote, therefore, is likely to benefit Labour.
Not exact matches
Former
Liberal Party WA president David Honey's convincing by - election victory in the blue ribbon
seat of Cottesloe was no accident; the strong
Liberal showing was more
than a year in the planning.
Second, Arthur Meighen's Tories «won» the 1925 general election in the sense that they took more
seats than any other party, 116 compared to 99 for King's
Liberals.
A surge in Ukip's support, combined with an expected bloodbath for the
Liberal Democrats, could leave the eurosceptic party with more
seats than the coalition partner.
Over 80 % of UKIP
seats came from the Tories, and the Tories lost a greater proportion of their
seats to UKIP
than the
Liberal Democrats, while Labour lost barely any to them.
They were undone, however, by a collapse in the
Liberal Democrat vote which meant the party lost more
seats to Labour where Labour was the second - placed candidate
than they gained directly from the Lib Dems where they were the challengers.
In 2010, though the Conservatives did not achieve the national vote share they wanted, the party's targeting strategy meant it won 23 more Labour
seats and 9 more
Liberal Democrat
seats than it would have done on a uniform swing.
The government is struggling to craft a motion that satisfies
Liberal Democrat MPs — who in many cases owe their
seats to anti-Iraq-war defections from Labour in 2005 — as well as little England Tory backbenchers who, nudged by Ukip's anti-intervention stance yesterday, fear that Nigel Farage speaks for their voters better
than Cameron does.
Five years ago, Welsh Labour did very well in the Welsh local elections, increasing the number of council
seats they held by around 70 %; by the end of that night they had substantially more councillor in Wales
than did the Conservatives, Plaid Cymru and the
Liberal Democrats put together.
In material terms, since 2010, the
Liberal Democrats have also lost hundreds of council
seats, and they now have fewer
than 3,000 councillors for the first time in their history.
And if it does not happen the tally of
seats the SNP might fail to win would be no more
than four, two of them picked up by Labour and one each by the Conservatives and the
Liberal Democrats.
We have the
Liberal Democrats in government with us and they have fewer women ministers and MPs
than we do, but I think 50 % would be difficult to get to by 2020 but if you look at the candidates we're selecting, including candidates in replacement
seats, Conservative - held
seats, I think over 33 % are women candidates.
Over half of Welsh voters chose the Tories, Plaid Cymru or the
Liberal Democrats in May this year, yet under Two Member First Past The Post, those parties would be left with less
than a third of the
seats in the Assembly.
The
Liberal Democrats» Richard Brodie fights the
seat again, hoping to achieve more
than the 4.4 % received in 2011.
This includes fixed terms for five years (when average time between elections has been four); the vote to dissolve parliament before calling a general election requiring 55 per cent support in the House of Commons (meaning the
Liberal Democrats can not withdraw their support from the Tories and cause a general election as the Lib - Dems, Labour and other parties altogether hold less
than 55 per cent of the
seats); and stuffing the House of Lords with many more Conservatives and
Liberals to weaken opposition there.
After he was selected for Croydon Central, a less
than safe Conservative
seat, he deployed his personality, political beliefs as a
Liberal Conservative, his local connections and his campaigning skills.
In March 1974, Labour won four
seats more
than the Conservatives, but could not reach a majority even if they did a deal with the
Liberals.
A
Liberal Democrat defeat, in a
seat where they trailed Labour by only 103 votes last May, would inevitably increase the pressure on Mr Clegg from the doubters in his party, which is used to winning by - elections rather
than losing them.
However, I'm always slightly wary of constituency polls in
Liberal Democrat held
seats — the effect of incumbency and tactical voting is far higher for Lib Dem MPs, and when you ask a generic voting intention I think many people give their national preference, rather
than how they would actually vote in their own constituency.
I don't put much store in opinion polls, but if true it would only indicate roughly what you would expect to happen at this point in the parliament - 32 % isn't that much lower
than Labour got in the 2005 General Election and all it would suggest is that the
Liberal Democrats are having a reversal - tactical voting could see them holding onto many of their current
seats, indeed it is even possible that if they got 17 % of the vote that if it focused in an area that they could actually end up with more
seats, where the switches in support are occuring is crucial - if they are focused then if the Conservative Party were to get 39 % then it might still result in them getting fewer
seats than Labour or in extremis winning a 150
seat majority or so?
The
Liberal Democrats spent more
than # 1.5 m, # 400,000 more
than in the last European election, but managed to get just one MEP elected and lost 11
seats.
The Labour Party was defeated heavily in the 1983 general election, winning only 27.6 % of the vote, its lowest share since 1918, and receiving only half a million votes more
than the SDP -
Liberal Alliance who leader Michael Foot condemned for «siphoning» Labour support and enabling the Conservatives to greatly increase their majority of parliamentary
seats.
Conversely, the under - represented parties (UKIP, the
Liberal Democrats, the Greens, and other smaller parties) collectively hold about 156
seats fewer
than they would in the case of perfect proportionality.
Raymond Harding, the former chairman of the state
Liberal Party, admitted he received more
than $ 800,000 in exchange for doing political favors, including opening up a Queens state Assembly
seat for former state Comptroller Alan Hevesi's son, Andrew, the state attorney general said last week.
Across the 34 Metropolitan boroughs up for election, the
Liberal Democrats secured 16 fewer
seats than at the height of the party's local collapse four years previously.
Of the smaller parties, the SNP received a greater share of
seats than votes, whereas UKIP and the
Liberal Democrats gained very little representation compared to the share of the vote they received.
In Lib Dem target
seats Labour voters were far more likely to vote tactically against the Conservatives
than against the
Liberals by a margin of about 4 - 1.
The
Liberal Democrats held on to the Hampshire
seat of Eastleigh, and their winning candidate Mike Thornton has said «there is no greater honour»
than to represent the constituency.
Ted Heath remained in office over the weekend after the general election on 28 February 1974, despite winning four
seats fewer
than Labour, as he tried unsuccessfully to form a coalition with the
Liberals.
Although the
Liberal Democrats won 35 more
seats across London
than in 2014, nearly three - quarters of their councillors are in its strongholds of Kingston, Richmond, and Sutton.
The Conservatives won 5 additional
seats (4 from Labour and 1 from the
Liberal Democrats) and polled more votes
than Labour overall.
And more
than half would oppose forming a coalition with the
Liberal Democrats if their own party won the most
seats, but no overall majority in 2015.
It's therefore very possible that UKIP could poll more votes
than the
Liberal Democrats in the 2015 election but win no
seats, with the beleagured Lib Dems retaining more
than half of their current incumbents.
In a similar vein, hardly anyone predicted that the SNP would get to 56
seats or meanwhile that the
Liberal Democrats would be left with only eight (not a single one of those predictions on the May2015 website thought Clegg's party would have less
than 20 MPs).
Wellstone was far more
liberal than most Minnesotans, but won & retained the
seat on his principled stances - you couldn't help but respect the guy.
On 8 May, three party leaders announced their resignations within an hour of each other: [199] Ed Miliband (Labour) and Nick Clegg (
Liberal Democrat) resigned due to their parties» worse -
than - expected results in the election, although both had been re-elected to their
seats in Parliament.
Some cabinet ministers hope that Gordon Brown could defy the disaster of Labour coming third in the share of the vote by joining forces with the
Liberal Democrats in a «progressive alliance» to keep the Tories out of power even though Mr Cameron might have won more
seats and votes
than Labour.
This rule has fuelled speculation that Mr Brown could hang on and try to forge a deal with the
Liberal Democrats even if the Tories win more votes and
seats than Labour but fall short of an overall majority — the position reflected by the most recent opinion polls.
He added: «There are of course, many more Labour
than Liberal Democrat candidates in winnable marginal
seats, so I've had to concentrate my cash on first - time Labour candidates, rather
than ex-MPs.»
The party will be fielding candidates in 95 percent of
seats across England in the forthcoming local elections - more
than both Labour and the
Liberal Democrats.
Among other results, Lord Ashcroft's polls suggested that the growth in SNP support would translate into more
than 50
seats; [124] that there was little overall pattern in Labour and Conservative Party marginals; [125] that the Green Party MP Caroline Lucas would retain her
seat; [126] that both
Liberal Democrat leader Nick Clegg and UKIP leader Nigel Farage would face very close races to be elected in their own constituencies; [127] and that
Liberal Democrat MPs would enjoy an incumbency effect that would lose fewer MPs
than their national polling implied.
For many
Liberal Democrat MPs to hold on to their
seats they will need to become even more personally popular
than they were in 2010: a tough task under the circumstances.
The election produced a hung parliament, with the Conservative Party led by Arthur Balfour and their
Liberal Unionist allies receiving the largest number of votes, but the
Liberals led by H. H. Asquith winning the largest number of
seats, returning two more MPs
than the Conservatives.
In the actual 2015
seats, Conservative MPs in England and Wales represented rather larger constituencies (in terms of the electorate)
than did Labour and
Liberal Democrat MPs.
Significantly, even in the
Liberal Democrat - held
seats, less
than a quarter of voters thought the Lib Dems were having a significant impact on the coalition government's agenda.
The
Liberal Democrats (Lib Dems) have been a third force, but their share of
seats has been far lower
than their vote share under the FPTP system.
Nick Clegg has said «it's never easy to see dedicated, hardworking
Liberal Democrat councillors lose ground,» after his party lost two councils and more
than 100
seats in English local elections.
The
Liberal Democrats have a sitting MEP here, Andrew Duff, who has a good chance of retaining his
seat, but only if can perform better
than his party is doing in the national polls.
We find that Conservative support is holding up better in its key marginal
seats than the rest of the country, and also that the
Liberal Democrats are recovering strongly, albeit from a low base, in the
seats they are defending.