Second, Arthur Meighen's Tories «won» the 1925 general election in the sense that they took more
seats than any other party, 116 compared to 99 for King's Liberals.
In parliament, a majority is achieved when the largest party has more
seats than all other parties put together, which requires 326 seats.
It won an absolute majority of seats in England in 2010, gaining 36 more
seats than the other parties combined - an outcome I tested here, though admittedly in the context of Labour gaining a majority because of its strength elsewhere.
If the election was held today, the Conservatives would win significantly more votes, and very probably more seats than Labour, though it is much less certain whether they would win enough to secure more
seats than all other parties combined.
The party has two more
seats than the other parties combined.
And Miss Sturgeon repeated her party's promise to overthrow a Tory minority administration even if the Conservatives have more
seats than any other party after the Election.
Not exact matches
ChangeAlberta.ca, which will go live within a week, is tracking the electoral contests in
seats winnable for
parties other than the Tories and their WR offspring.
Scotland's Big Voice aims to persuade people they need to vote for a
party other than the one they support in
seats where doing so could blunt the nationalist threat.
In Scotland the SNP won this election, we have more
seats than all the
other parties combined.»
The same's true with three extra
seats on the govering NEC for a membership that's soared to 569,000 (more
than every
other British political
party combined) though an additional union place going to an Usdaw shopworkers on the Right of the
party translates into a net gain of two in Corbyn's slim majority.
Yet strangely,
other than Unite and ASLEF, there is no calling for Murphy to resign despite losing 40
seats in Scotland and seeing a massive erosion of support following his election as Leader of the Scottish Labour
Party.
Either
party needed to win only eight
seats more
than the
other to govern alone.
Table P0 shows that the Conservatives will gain 54
seats and lose 9
seats to end up 375
seats, exactly 100
seats more
than all
other parties combined.
This includes fixed terms for five years (when average time between elections has been four); the vote to dissolve parliament before calling a general election requiring 55 per cent support in the House of Commons (meaning the Liberal Democrats can not withdraw their support from the Tories and cause a general election as the Lib - Dems, Labour and
other parties altogether hold less
than 55 per cent of the
seats); and stuffing the House of Lords with many more Conservatives and Liberals to weaken opposition there.
Voting in the Irish Republic is so tribal that, at least
other than in this completely exceptional year, most TDs who lose their
seats do so to members of the same
party as themselves.
In 1984, the Progressive Conservatives came to power by winning more
seats than any
party had / has in any
other election before or since.
Most constituencies are occupied by safe
seat politicians who see little need to engage with the voters
other than at election time or to get a front
seat position in their
parties.
The British Election Study found that Labour gained more Leave voters from
other parties than it lost to the Tories, including 18 percent of 2015 Ukip voters - a proportion that must have been lower in safe Tory
seats, but correspondingly higher in the safe Labour heartlands where scooping up Ukip voters was the Tories» entire strategy for success.
Most psephologists predict that they will lose between 5 and 7 of their
seats (out of 57 currently) but this ignores their strong record of localist campaigning and incumbency even after previous boundary changes which have allowed them invariably to buck the electoral trend better
than the
other two main
parties.
Conversely, the under - represented
parties (UKIP, the Liberal Democrats, the Greens, and
other smaller
parties) collectively hold about 156
seats fewer
than they would in the case of perfect proportionality.
Labour was — and still is — considerably larger
than the nine (or eight, depending on how you classify Sinn Fein MPs, who don't take up their
seats in the chamber)
other parties in the House of Commons which are not in government.
U.S. Sen. Richard Shelby, a fixture of Republican politics in Alabama for a generation, sent a clear message to his home state when he said on national television that the
party could «do better»
than elect Roy Moore to the state's
other Senate
seat in two days.
UKIP won more
seats at the European elections
than any
other UK
party and the BBC's Graham Satchell spent day one with UKIP's newly elected MEP Janice Atkinson.
On 8 May, three
party leaders announced their resignations within an hour of each
other: [199] Ed Miliband (Labour) and Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrat) resigned due to their
parties» worse -
than - expected results in the election, although both had been re-elected to their
seats in Parliament.
This was because the SNP gained 47
seats out of 129 in the election, which was some way short of achieving an absolute majority of
seats in the Scottish Parliament, but more
than any
other single
party gained.
Among
other results, Lord Ashcroft's polls suggested that the growth in SNP support would translate into more
than 50
seats; [124] that there was little overall pattern in Labour and Conservative
Party marginals; [125] that the Green
Party MP Caroline Lucas would retain her
seat; [126] that both Liberal Democrat leader Nick Clegg and UKIP leader Nigel Farage would face very close races to be elected in their own constituencies; [127] and that Liberal Democrat MPs would enjoy an incumbency effect that would lose fewer MPs
than their national polling implied.
[9][10] It was also the first time a
party other than Labour or Conservative had won the largest number of
seats in a national election since the December 1910 general election.
Republicans also picked up six congressional
seats — more
than in any
other state — although they failed to win even a single statewide contest (many blame gubernatorial candidate Carl Paladino for dragging down the
party's best hope, state comptroller contender Harry Wilson).
Like
other observers, he, Thornton and Costello — who appeared in advertisements together decked out in hardhats and reflective vests next to a backhoe under the heading «Getting the job done» and have served for more
than a decade together — foresaw that the second Town Board
seat would be a contest between Barbaria and her, each having two out of the four significant
party lines.
It was also the last United Kingdom national election in which a
party other than Labour or the Conservatives won the most
seats until the 2014 European Parliament elections.
Some of the above arguments still apply, but I'm not convinced that an independent MP can have his biggest impact by speaking or voting in tightly controlled
party votes in the House of Commons, even those directly affecting his constituency (one of the many reasons it's such a shame he won the
seat — the people of his constituency needed meaningful representation more
than many
others).
Folks
other than a handful of Democratic
Party insiders ought to have a say in who holds elected office, especially when there's an open
seat involved.
But the
seat has repeatedly flipped from one
party to the
other over more
than a decade.
UKIP won more
seats at the European elections
than any
other UK
party and has already caused controversy during the first session of the new parliament by staging a protest.
The last instance of either of the two predecessor
seats being held by an MP from a
party other than the Labour Party was the period for both before the 1935 general elec
party other than the Labour
Party was the period for both before the 1935 general elec
Party was the period for both before the 1935 general election.
«The Liberal Democrats are likely to lose out more
than the
other main
parties because their
seats are yellow islands in a sea of red or blue; changing the boundaries is more likely to bring in hostile territories, their majorities tend to be smaller
than Labour or Conservative MPs and their Lib Dems trade a lot on incumbency and constituency service.
Other than these
parties, the Liberal Democrats (Lib Dems) were able to obtain more
than 5 % of
seats in three elections (1999, 2003, and 2007), and the Scottish Green
Party (SGP) was able to do so in one election (2003).
As it happens the Conservative - Labour swing in marginals was much the same as it was in safe
seats in 2005, but the changes in the
parties votes was different — both the Conservatives and Labour did better in their key marginals
than elsewhere, it's just their mutual improved performances cancelled each
other out!
The PNM was the only
party to contest all 41
seats, and only two
other parties contested more
than half the
seats; the United National Congress ran in 28 and the ILP in 26.
This is not to suggest that a choice of, for example, English law and arbitral
seats other than China or Hong Kong are not appropriate, or can not or will not be agreed, but rather that it may be more difficult to achieve such outcomes where the balance of power lies with the Chinese
party (state or non-state).
If there is a joint session then kick up a fuss about essential matters like the
seating arrangement, the fact there may be more
than one lawyer on the
other side, or that the opposing
party's spouse wishes to sit in.
The uncomfortable truth is that some
parties would be happier to
seat their arbitrations in Johannesburg or Cape Town, rather
than in any
other African
seat.