Sentences with phrase «segregation by»

The proponents of that movement argued that the City of Chicago could end housing segregation by imposing changes on the way real estate brokers did business.
Congress approves Public Housing reforms to reduce segregation by race and income, encourage and reward work, bring more working families into public housing, and increase the availability of subsidized housing for very poor families.
The Canadian gender wage gap is twice the global average, patterns of job segregation by sex remain unchanged with women concentrated in traditionally female and lower - paying jobs, and women are disproportionately represented in part - time, precarious work.
Rather than removing the small number of segregated women who were draining resources, the CSC sought to solve the problems associated with long - term segregation by building a dedicated facility.
On this Martin Luther King day, the current issue offers a pointer to Reporting Civil Rights, online companion to the Library of America's two - volume anthology covering the events that led to the end of segregation by law in the United States.
The works were part of Alfred Stieglitz's personal collection and were donated to the university after his death in 1949 by Georgia O'Keeffe with the intent to challenge segregation by making the collection accessible to African - Americans -LSB-...]
And when someone — several someones — deliberately invoke civil rights history by talking about people being forced to sit at the back of the bus, then they are specially referencing segregation by race.
It was little surprise to see evidence of segregation by genre and the differing values placed on each genre, Weinberg added, but the researchers were very surprised at how clear this discrimination was.
(b) Each of the following establishments which serves the public is a place of public accommodation within the meaning of this title if its operations affect commerce, or if discrimination or segregation by it is supported by State action:
(d) Discrimination or segregation by an establishment is supported by State action within the meaning of this title if such discrimination or segregation (1) is carried on under color of any law, statute, ordinance, or regulation; or (2) is carried on under color of any custom or usage required or enforced by officials of the State or political subdivision thereof; or (3) is required by action of the State or political subdivision thereof.
According to the articles «Integrated Schools: Finding a New Path» (Gary Orfield, Erica Frankenberg, and Genevieve Siegel - Hawley, p. 22) and «Overcoming Triple Segregation» (by Patricia Gándara, p. 60), segregation by ethnic background of public schools in the United States is on the upswing, a reality which limits minority students» prospects for a high - quality education and all students» prospects for learning to work and interact with students from varied cultures.
School districts can work against this growing segregation by developing student assignment systems that promote socioeconomic diversity within schools.
Spatial inequality, or segregation by race, is one of the most defining features of American history.
From a variety of perspectives, our panelists will examine the state of segregation by race and class in America's schools, and the promising initiatives and practices that are emerging in the renewed movement to integrate America's schools.
Advocates Call on Chancellor Fariña to Take «Morally Necessary» Steps to End School Segregation by Christina Veiga Chalkbeat — May 25, 2017
But the idea of purposeful segregation by neighborhood, and not into a specialized and targeted program, is inherently controversial.
It is also double segregation by both race and poverty.
A recent government survey showed that segregation by race and class in the nation's public schools is getting worse, not better.
Legal efforts to correct the effects of past official discrimination were followed by sporadic attempts, initiated by local governments and school districts, to reduce school segregation by voluntarily adopting race - conscious school - assignment plans.
The committee suggested, therefore, that we should «be at least as concerned about segregation by income as segregation by race.»
Jack A. Chambless calls for letting schools compete for students and ending segregation by economic status.
«Neither of those appear to have been considered to date as we have significant segregation by race as well as income, special needs and Limited English Proficiency between charter schools and their sending districts, and we have charter schools draining necessary resources from public school districts,» she said.
«There's sharp residential segregation by race, by poverty,» he said.
There are two ways to integrate schools: through public school choice that overcomes neighborhood segregation by race and class; and through housing integration that makes neighborhood schools integrated institutions.
: New York's Tiny High Schools Lift Kids, Harden Segregation by Bruce Fuller in Education Week (February 4, 2014)
Rising residential segregation by income has led to increasing concentrations of low - and high - income children attending separate schools.
«Secretary DeVos continues the sins of school segregation by canceling funds for the Opening Doors grants to promote the proven benefits of school diversity for many schoolchildren of color.»
Segregation by income very often moves in tandem with segregation by race.
School Choice and Segregation by Race, Class, and Achievement (Boulder, Colo.: National Education Policy Center).
The result is voluntary school segregation by race for whites and blacks, which is entirely consistent with a large literature demonstrating that Americans prefer to live among co-ethnics, and that this preference is particular strong for blacks.
Segregation by social class persisted, and black pupils were unofficially segregated in much of the North and West and officially segregated in all of the South.
On this special edition of The Conversation, Dr. Steve Perry blasts the Associated Press» sloppy report on charter schools, explaining the difference between minority families choosing schools and forced segregation by traditional districts and states.
Segregation by race and income continues to menace our public schools, as does inequitable allocation of resources.
The Waterbury (Conn.) Board of Education has proposed to increase involuntary busing for racial balance to satisfy state officials who previously had insisted the district ease segregation by building a new school.
«Residential mobility has brought about a high degree of racial segregation in education, as well as segregation by income... and it is the disadvantaged who are least able to select a school... that continues to function reasonably well.»
John Eligon and Robert Gebeloff penned a terrific though sobering analysis of the combination of policies contributing to residential segregation by race, irrespective of income.
Consider the two reports that came out last week, one on charter school segregation by a UCLA group headed by Professor Gary Orfield, the other a Brookings report headed by Grover Whitehurst, the widely respected former head of the Institute of Education Sciences.
The study, Resegregation in American Schools, analyzes the latest data from the National Center of Education Statistics» Common Core of Education Statistics, and examines changes in racial composition in American schools, national patterns of segregation, the relationship between segregation by race and schools experiencing concentrated poverty, the difference in segregation in different regions and types of school districts, and the extent and segregation of multiracial schools.
The New York City school system's magnet - schools admissions procedure appears to offer students a choice of schools without leading to increased segregation by race or class, a new study asserts.
After two years of interviewing more than 100 black, Latino, and white undergraduates at an elite university, Jack came up with a new way to think about how factors like poverty and socioeconomic segregation — segregation by class — shape the way students experience college.
Because of our geographic segregation by class, students will have to be bused and some, if not many, will have to be coercively bused.
(Indeed, one subchapter bears the inflammatory title, «SEGREGATION BY DESIGN FOR MARGINALIZED GROUPS.»)
But there would be no low - income (or high - income) communities if there were no segregation by income and race in the housing market.
For Latino immigrant children segregation by race and poverty has intensified over the last three decades.
Using 1980, 1990, and 2000 U.S. Census information, John Iceland and D. H. Weinberg in 2002 constructed dissimilarity indexes of residential segregation by census tract in 220 metropolitan areas in which at least 3 percent of the residents were black or which had at least 20,000 black residents in 1980.
In contrast, following 1988, segregation by district fell by almost 10 percent, from 66 to 61.
Second, trends in segregation by district do not capture changes in residential segregation within districts.
Between 1968 and 1980, segregation by district increased, reflecting the effects of both white flight from desegregation and longer - term trends, including suburbanization.
Because the local property tax base is typically higher in areas with higher home values, and there are persistently high levels of residential segregation by socioeconomic status, heavy reliance on local financing enabled affluent districts to spend more per student.
Consider just one countervailing factor: the significant rise in segregation by income between neighborhoods over the past four decades.
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