Sentences with phrase «sense of history for»

Not exact matches

Forrec says the theme will imbue St. Elizabeth with a sense of history, strengthen community ties and emphasize that the site is a real town — not merely a collection of homes for people living out their final years.

Rowson says this section can include discussions of a company mission statement, what is its reason for being, who are its customers, what is its position in the marketplace, etc. «You might talk about the founder to get a sense of the company history or culture,» Rowson says.

Yet it makes sense for a school that has a storied history of spawning innovators and entrepreneurs.

A story about an entrepreneur's experience that led him or her to found a company, or one about the history of a particular product, for instance, can enhance a company's culture by conveying its heritage or sense of purpose and direction.

There is nobody to blame for this abandonment of common sense - it is simply the market being the market and we're doomed to repeat history.

Whether a personal loan makes sense for your business will depend on a variety of factors, including your business's finances, your personal credit history, and how much you plan to borrow.

There is nobody to blame for this abandonment of common sense — it is simply the market being the market and we're doomed to repeat history.

Let's take apart the history of Alberta bitumen discounts so that you can actually get a sense for what's going on.

Every honest Jew who knows the history of his people can not but feel a deep sense of gratitude to Islam, which has protected the Jews for fifty generations, while the Christian world persecuted the Jews and tried many times «by the sword» to get them to abandon their faith.

To grow up in Canada is to inherit a privileged position for understanding modernity» sufficently distant from that hurtling spaceship of «the republic to our south,» while retaining (perhaps from connections to nature, to the history of France, and to Catholicism) a sharp, intuitive sense of what it once was like to be «premodern.»

Here we see John Paul's sense of the importance of culture as the interpretive key to history and the exposure of what Weigel calls the Jacobin and Marxist fallacies» the illusions that history is driven by a quest for power and that history is the «exhaust fumes of impersonal economic forces.»

Perhaps we can get at this sense of motherhood as both nature and history by suggesting that a mother, though not «in her place,» should seek to «be place» for her children.

«From this history of the Bible in early American history,» Noll writes in his concluding chapter, «the moral judgment that makes the most sense to me rests on a difference between Scripture for oneself and Scripture for others.»

You get together and try to make sense of the Christian bible, as if it were a guidebook for living instead of a motley collection of old myths, political writing, poetry, and history.

The particular mechanisms employed depend on circumstances of history, geography, and culture, and decisions about them can be made responsibly only by taking account of man's acquisitive propensities, his need for rational order, his longing for freedom, and his sense of justice — in short, by relying on an integral rather than a truncated conception of human nature.

In highlighting, and expressing sorrow for, mistakes and wrongdoing in the Church's history, John Paul gave Catholics a fresh sense of honesty and integrity.

the first eleven chapter of Genesis... nevertheless come under the heading of history; in what exact sense, it is for the further study of the exegete to determine.

We have already seen, however, that the very same men of Israel who were responsible for developing a sense of history, were those who began to lead men's attention away from the sanctuary.

They gained a sense of history, for example, that I find convincing and inescapable.

Sometimes they embrace a sense of fatalism, decrying the inevitability of suffering and martyrdom for Christians, as demonstrated throughout Christian history, and resolve that persecution is simply going to happen.

My fear for you is that you have no sense of history and what each religion has done to many groups of people.

Egotheism, by contrast, is awestruck wonder and thanksgiving to God for the staggering miracle of unrepeatable life, the utterly unique self - consciousness that enables one to say «I.» In a 1960 remembrance of his childhood, Updike traced his transcendent sense of self - importance to the mystery of being an incarnate ego: a self within «a speck so specifically situated amid the billions of history.

Monotheism, like the sense of history, is something we too readily take for granted today, just because we ourselves are the product of a culture which has been based on it for so long.

All expressions of religion must in some sense share such a movement of negation, for religion must necessarily direct itself against a selfhood, a history, or a cosmos that exists immediately and autonomously as its own creation or ground.

Only one of these books, the Acts of the Apostles, is in any sense a history of the Church, and that to only a limited degree and for certain phases only of its development (cf. Chap.

Perhaps the clarification Neuhaus needs is provided by the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith in its declaration, Dominus Iesus (2000): «The lack of unity among Christians is certainly a wound for the Church; not in the sense that she is deprived of her unity, but «in that it hinders the complete fulfillment of her universality in history.

After all, history, and even recent history, knows instances where a powerful personality, temporarily and for particular ends, has come to embody in himself the spirit and purpose of a whole nation, and has been spontaneously recognized as its representative, in a more than formal sense.

The history of art is, in one sense, the story of the effort to keep searching for new ways to bring together the most different elements imaginable.

For this reason and in this sense when a man makes this decision, it can be said that the end of history is attained, otherwise called the culminating point of history or the meaning and purpose of history.

I could go on, but the fact of the matter is, if you use just the bible to map out a timeline it's a little wonky but doable because for over 2000 years its had revisions and edits so that it would make more sense, if you want to really look the history of the world through geology, ice core samples and what not, it'll paint a very different picture.

In the third sense, we wait in hope for its coming, whether by gradual change or by an abrupt termination of earthly history.

The passion for the possible must graft itself onto real tendencies, the mission onto a sensed history, the superabundance onto signs of the Resurrection, wherever they can be deciphered.

Such a «gnostic» idea, tempting though it has been since very early in the history of Christianity, trivializes the idea of revelation, making it appeal more to our sense of curiosity than to our need for transformation and hope.

Moreover, we are sometimes afflicted with a sense of impending crisis, lending force to Niebuhr's observation that «one of the most pathetic aspects of human history is that every civilization expresses itself most pretentiously, compounds its partial and universal values most convincingly, and claims immortality for its finite existence at the very moment when the decay which leads to death has already begun.»

For me, these things inspire a sense of reverence and an appreciation of the rich history of our Christian tradition.

In another sense, it is also true to say that existence precedes essence, and the metaphysical view is consequently wrong in denying it, for essence in this case is defined within the world of interpersonal relationships, within the world of history and human society, within the world of reason itself which Teilhard would call the noosphere.

I can only hope my friends and neighbors will have a sense of humor about it, recognizing that the Scopes Monkey Trial is a part of our history — for better or for worse.

In A Common Faith Dewey suggests that organized religion once provided a useful sense of the whole, but that now it has abandoned that task and, instead, attempts to fob off on newly emergent societies the basically irrelevant sense of the whole generated by an earlier society in a different history If this last judgment is harsh, it was harsh because «the religious» was so important to Dewey and because he still hoped for a religiousness capable of setting forth a functional sense of the whole.

There is little basis in history for the promise that this religion sincerely followed will bring fullness of life to its adherents in the sense that theological utilitarianism intends.

For Karl Barth» one of Gorringe's most consistent inspirations» «there is no such thing as secular history in the serious sense of the word.»

History teaches us that those justifications for the event are devoid of all common sense, that they are inconsistent with one another, as, for instance, the murder of a man as a result of the declaration of his rights, and the murder of millions in Russia for the abasement of England.

The teaching of church history is sometimes made the occasion for developing a sense of alienation from other groups rather than for developing a sense of unity.

Even if they made any kind of sense, in the history of civilization more people have been killed in the name of god than for any other reason.

Although in one sense cosmology provides a more encompassing framework than history for a theology of revelation, the conscious awareness of a revelation of God comes into the universe through individual selves embedded in human society and its history.

With biblical «conservatives» he shares reverence for the sense of the given text, the «last» text.8 He is not concerned to draw inferences from the text to its underlying history, to the circumstances of writing, to the spiritual state of the authors, or even to the existential encounter between Jesus and his followers.9 Indeed, Ricoeur, in his own way, takes the New Testament for what it claims to be: «testimony «10 to the transforming power of the Resurrection.

Now Bultmann has recognized that the kerygma is not a symbol in the same sense as other religious symbols, precisely because of what it symbolizes: as the symbol for transcendence within history it can not be an unhistorical symbol.

For instance, if one believes that Christ is in some sense God incarnate, then there is a sense in which the divine second person of the Trinity stands above history, There is also a sense in which the teachings of Christ might be said to have some trans - cultural character, despite being embedded in very particular cultural forms.

Perhaps it is this Eurocentric view that leads Newbigin to claim that Christian missions have created a revolution of expectations in the relevant societies, giving the people for the first time a sense of history.

Their hesitation primarily stems from the question of whether the notion of emptiness, conceived as a dynamic emptying of all distinctions, can sustain a commitment to ethics, history», and personhood with the seriousness and even ultimacy that they, precisely as people standing in the Christian tradition, think necessary The Jewish participant, while less concerned with kenosis, shares their concern for the potential loss of ultimacy in the realm of historical action with its ethical norms and deep sense of personhood.

The birth of a sense of history removes us not from nature itself, but only from the frozen, abstract, and ahistorical conception of nature that we had for centuries projected onto the flux of cosmic events.