Not exact matches
«
Children from large
families tend to make
poorer showings on intelligence tests and on educational measures, even when social class is controlled.»
Some barriers include the negative attitudes of women and their partners and
family members, as well as health care professionals, toward breastfeeding, whereas the main reasons that women do not start or give up breastfeeding are reported to be
poor family and social support, perceived milk insufficiency, breast problems, maternal or infant illness, and return to outside employment.2 Several strategies have been used to promote breastfeeding, such as setting standards for maternity services3, 4 (eg, the joint World Health Organization — United Nations
Children's Fund [WHO - UNICEF] Baby Friendly Initiative), public education through media campaigns, and health professionals and peer - led initiatives to support individual mothers.5 — 9 Support
from the infant's father through active participation in the breastfeeding decision, together with a positive attitude and knowledge about the benefits of breastfeeding, has been
shown to have a strong influence on the initiation and duration of breastfeeding in observational studies, 2,10 but scientific evidence is not available as to whether training fathers to manage the most common lactation difficulties can enhance breastfeeding rates.
Yet the GEM Report
shows that
children from the
poorest 20 % of
families are eight times as likely to be out of school as
children from the richest 20 % in lower - middle - income countries.
It
shows that in the US, as in other countries,
children from better educated, wealthier
families will achieve better results than
poorer children.
The Barnado's study cites research which
shows that
children from poorer families are half as likely to get five good GCSE grades as their richer classmates.
Research
shows that
children from poor families start school substantially behind
children from more advantaged backgrounds in vocabulary, knowledge of the world, social skills, and pre-academic content such as letter recognition, all of which are strongly predictive of later school success.
While the states primary school funding grant provides 30 percent more money for
children from low - income
families, experts who testified for the plaintiffs during the trial testified that it costs two to three times as much to educate
poor children who often
show up for school with major deficiencies.
Children from «near
poor»
families, those whose
families have low to moderate incomes but are not
poor enough to qualify for subsidized pre-K, are even less likely to attend — even though NAEP data
show many of these youngsters also struggle to learn to read.
It is believed the new schools will be required to set aside a defined proportion of places to
children from low - income
families to tackle evidence
showing that
poorer pupils fare worse in areas with selective schools.
Life and
family events premigration and postmigration have been found to have a profound effect on the health and well - being of immigrant
children.1, 2 Risk factors include trauma, separation
from parents, nonvoluntary migration, obstacles in the acculturation process, 3 and
children who immigrate in their mid - or late teens.1, 4 Research also
shows that parents who have experienced or witnessed violence have
poorer mental health, 2,5 which is likely to affect parent —
child attachment and negatively impact
child development and mental health.5 Transitioning to a new country may be beneficial for both parents and
children, but it may render new and unexpected constraints in the parent —
child relationship (eg,
children tend to acculturate to the new country faster than their parents), cause disharmony and power conflicts, 6 — 8 and, subsequently, affect the
child's mental health.9
Similarly, trends in interactions indicating stronger intervention effects among
children from poor families were found for better school achievement (P =.06; post hoc comparison P =.002), less school misbehavior (P =.05; post hoc comparison P =.003), and less drinking and driving in the past year (P =.06; post hoc comparison P =.03)(data not
shown in Figure 1).
A range of childhood psychosocial risk factors have been associated with depression, including characteristics of the
child (eg, behavioral and socioemotional problems,
poor school performance), characteristics of the parents (eg, parent psychopathology, rejecting or intrusive behavior), and
family circumstances (eg, the loss of a parent, physical or sexual violence,
family discord).12 - 15 However, it has not been
shown decisively whether these risks distinguish juvenile
from adult - onset MDD.
Many trials used volunteers or people selected by referrers as willing to take part in parenting projects, thus excluding many disorganised, unmotivated, or disadvantaged
families, who have the most antisocial
children.2 A review of meta - analyses of published trials of psychological treatments for childhood disorders found that in university settings the effect size was large,
from 0.71 to 0.84 SD.12 In contrast, a review of six studies of outcome in regular service clinics since 1950
showed no significant effects, 12 and a large trial offering unrestricted access to outpatient services found no improvement.13 Reasons suggested for the
poor outcome in clinic cases include that they have more severe problems, come
from more distressed
families, and receive less empirically supported interventions
from staff with heavier caseloads.
A key question that arises
from these investigations is whether
children from single - mother
families show poorer psychological adjustment because of the absence of a father or whether other factors are involved.