Sentences with phrase «so school test scores»

They help kids learn more so school test scores can improve.

Not exact matches

So were the average GMAT scores of its entering classes, which tended to range near 600, more than 100 points below the best schools, which typically report scores in the 700 - plus range on an entrance test where the highest possible score is 800.

In private sessions Saturday, 22 school teams from around the country will toss around ideas on how schools can help to broaden the rigid notion of «success» that has taken hold on so many hyper - competitive campuses — high grades, top test scores and acceptance into prestigious colleges.

Schools certainly feel the immediate costs of failing to prioritize wellness — poor test scores for students, lower standardized test scores school - wide, reduced funding resulting from absenteeism, which is why it is so important to share this report with school administrators and boards of education.

The type of learning you're describing, with open classroom discussion, a lot of choice for students, inquiry - based learning, projects, it seems at odds with the kind of call - and - response, very teacher - directed style that you see at a lot of so - called «no excuses» charter schools that produce high test scores with disadvantaged populations.

«He's putting so much focus on test scores that are going to be detrimental to our school because the overwhelming majority of our kids don't speak English at home and don't perform as well on standardized tests,» she said.

The state was prepared to use part of its federal Race to the Top money to pay Wireless Generation to develop software to track student test scores, achievement and so on, creating a system similar to the Achievement Reporting and Innovation System, or ARIS, that it developed for the city schools.

Property taxes dropped dramatically, but so did school performance, with test scores going from the best in the nation to some of the worst.

In human children, alterations in anxiety levels could impact learning in school or test scores, although existing evidence is not so fine - grained.

It's quite possible you've already taken the Mensa test while in school, so if you have your scores handy, they can be used to join the MensaMatch.

So on a bright November afternoon three weeks after the test, Hope's math specialist, Christine Madison, and two of the school's 4th - grade teachers huddled over five pages of test - score data assembled for them by ANet.

The Ninth Grade College Preparatory Academy is a state - ordered spin - off of Sam Houston High School, whose test scores have historically been so low that the state labeled the school «academically unacceptable» for six straight School, whose test scores have historically been so low that the state labeled the school «academically unacceptable» for six straight school «academically unacceptable» for six straight years.

The estimated gain from being offered a voucher is only half as large as the gain from switching to private school (in response to being offered a voucher), so the estimated impact of offering vouchers is no more than one - eighth as large as the black - white test score gap.

«Instead of relying on intellect to produce good grades and high test scores,» Gauld writes in Character First: The Hyde School Difference, «students at Hyde learn to follow the dictates of their conscience so they can develop the character necessary to bring out their unique potential.»

So, I think almost every credible researcher would agree that the vast majority of ways in which test scores are used by policymakers, regulators, portfolio managers, foundation officials, and other policy elites can not be reliable indicators of the ability of schools or programs to improve later life outcomes.

Do schools that succeed in raising test scores do so by improving their students» underlying cognitive capacities?

They show that the schools that are most effective in raising student test scores do so in spite of the strength of the underlying relationship between math achievement and fluid cognitive skills.

«One major new study shows that 54 of 64 school variables — attendance, grades, discipline, test scores, and so on — are better with a year - round calendar than with traditional calendars.

People have been very slow to accept the fact that test scores are only weakly correlated with later life outcomes because it would be so convenient if readily available and relatively inexpensive test scores could capture something as complex as school quality.

So far, the Connecticut Mastery Test has been of limited use to Elm City because scores arrive after the school year is in full swing.

I am sure that schools feel pressure to reach their adequate yearly progress (AYP) goals and administering constant practice tests may seem like the most assured way of raising scores, but so many of the most important needs of students are compromised as a result.

Only one in nine high - school students uses outside coaching courses to prepare for the Scholastic Aptitude Test, but those who do so rate them as helpful in raising scores, according to a new survey by the College Board.

So now, here we are, barely ten years into this huge reform, with our little platoon of teachers and administrators and parents fighting feverishly on the front, beginning to make some progress on test scores and feel some confidence about improving our kids» academic opportunities — and I look up from my trench and, instead of seeing the school house door thrown open with garlands of WELCOME signs, I see teachers back to cheering from the windows as the reform generals scurry away, white flags in hand.

So if the charter board, local authorizer, and parents think a school is doing a good job even if test scores look «bad,» we should defer to them.

So far, high scores on relatively low - bar state tests have served to assure middle - class parents that their traditional public schools are good and their real - estate investments are safe.

With test scores in the state at embarrassing levels and a nearby school system losing its accreditation a year ago (the first in four decades to do so — see here), he has to deal with this?

So, you just sit down and visit or go out and purposefully talk about anything other than school, school kids, teachers, staff members, test scores.

No wonder urban schools have done so little to close the black - white test - score gap, a topic that Jens Ludwig deconstructs in this issue's check the facts.

With a better understanding of why it is so inane — and destructive — to evaluate schools using students» scores on the wrong species of standardized tests, you can persuade anyone who'll listen that policy makers need to make better choices.

So, regulators relying on test scores will experience false positives and false negatives if they try to actively manage a portfolio of schools.

The department should remember that while many states permit linking teachers to student test scores, few districts actually do so, and that while Virginia and Mississippi have each had a charter law for more than a decade, combined they have only five charter schools.

And so, for the past 20 years, the question of whether school choice «works» has been understood to mean simply whether a school - choice program boosted reading and math test scores in a given year.

That's the case with dozens of other «screened» high schools in New York, too, which are selective — often highly so — but don't rely exclusively on a single test score to decide who gets in.

I do so not because I think they are sure to improve test scores or quickly «fix» schooling, but because they're essential for creating unobstructed opportunities for problem - solvers.

The first paper, released in July 2009 by Roland Fryer and Steven Levitt, found that while there are no mean differences between boys and girls in math when they start school, girls gradually lose ground, so that the gap between boys and girls after six years of schooling is half as large as the black - white test score gap.

We caution, however, that our analysis is correlational rather than causal, so these patterns of findings are merely suggestive that socioeconomic test score gaps persist relatively unabated regardless of the degree of socioeconomic integration at the school level, and are far from definitive.

So, a portfolio manager, harbor master, or other type of regulator should use test scores to identify who is and is not a quality school operator and eliminate from the set of options a large number of schools that appear to be sub-par.

So when we consider the painful step of closing a school (which we've had to do a handful of times), we're hardly just sitting in our offices «looking at spreadsheets of test scores.»

Therefore, when policymakers seek to reward schools for improvements in test scores, they should do so based on multiple years rather than a single year of data.

Even so, the test scores of students in tracking schools remained 0.16 standard deviations higher than those of students in nontracking schools overall (and 0.18 standard deviations higher with control variables).

So an individual high school would need both low test scores and graduation rates to be at risk of landing in a «regulator's» bullseye.

And as Andy Smarick has argued, voucher programs need something akin to authorizers, too, so that decisions about participating schools can be informed by nuance and human judgment, not just by test scores and other data points.

Schools that have experience filling out grant applications or other applications similar to those required for the Blue Ribbon award apparently know how to spin mediocre test scores so that they don't diminish a school's chances for an award.

So is it true, as Hitt, McShane, and Wolf claim, that «a school choice program's impact on test scores is a weak predictor of its impacts on longer - term outcomes»?

So, he asks «whether regulators are any good at identifying which schools will contribute to test score gains» and then says this: «The bottom line is that none of the factors used by authorizers to open or renew charter schools in New Orleans were predictive of how much test score growth these schools could produce later on.»

I suspect the pilot may get more attention for reducing the number of tests students take and for spreading them out over the school year, so that students are assessed immediately following a unit's completion, leading to a cumulative score.

It is not possible to use this methodology to examine elementary schools because testing begins in third grade, so for those schools we compare test - score growth in traditional public schools and charter schools while taking into account student characteristics such as race, age, and special education status.

The No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 required schools to focus on struggling students and raise proficiency by focusing on test scores, which prompted many schools to separate out children who were behind so they could provide targeted instruction.

They agreed that states would be required to «disaggregate» test scores by race and income, so that schools and districts could be judged on the performance of individual groups.

Yes, there might be other schools that are just as bad at life outcomes that are not closed because they achieve better test scores, but so long as we are closing schools that are not delivering great life outcomes, and opening schools that have a better chance of achieving great life outcomes, this seems like a worthwhile tradeoff.