Sentences with phrase «social conservative movement»

Pelosi told CNN's Jake Tapper in an interview that aired Sunday on «State of the Union» that she did not accept that the videos — which have rocked the social conservative movement this summer — were accurate.

Not exact matches

«Elimination of caucuses and conventions would mean nuclear war with the grassroots, social conservatives, the Ron Paul movement and Tea Party Republicans,» said John Tate, a senior Paul advisor who now runs the Campaign For Liberty, a libertarian grassroots lobbying group.

It's emerging as a dominant argument among conservatives uncomfortable with the social movement, including New York Times columnist Bret Stephens.

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Reagan said yes, and conservative leaders like Arthur Brooks («One of the things, in my view, that we get wrong in the free enterprise movement is this war against the social safety net, which is just insane.

He goes on to say, «Many of the most powerful elements of the conservative movement are all Catholic (many converts) from the SC and think tanks to the media and social groups.

Baxter is on most questions a theological conservative, but on matters social and political he is pretty much an unexpurgated lefty, as was the case with his heroine, Dorothy Day of the Catholic Worker movement.

So, too, the conservative movement should continue to stand on principle with respect to social issues.

It was no wonder that the greatest of Jewish social scientists were part of the Conservative movement.

Last November I pointed out that a significant faction of the Tea Party is a subset of the religious right and that, despite the perception of the movement being comprised of economically - oriented libertarians, the majority held social conservative views.

David Hubbard, for example, in his taped remarks on the future of evangelicalism to a colloquium at Conservative Baptist Theological Seminary in Denver in 1977 noted the following areas of tension among evangelicals: women's ordination, the charismatic movement, ecumenical relations, social ethics, strategies of evangelism, Biblical criticism, Biblical infallibility, contextual theology in non-Western cultures, and the churchly applications of the behavioral sciences.2 If such a list is more exhaustive than those topics which this book has pursued, it nevertheless makes it clear that the foci of the preceding chapters have at least been representative.

Fact: Americans who identify with the Tea Party movement are mostly social conservatives, not libertarians on social issues.

There is also a «circling of the wagons» going on among the more conservative churches... These social movements are always hard to predict where they will end up.

Balmer wrote his book, however, as an evangelical who wanted to recover what he considered to be the heart of the movement, which was its late - nineteenth - century coalition of conservative theology and progressive social activism around the poor, women, and ethnic minorities.

Radical conservatives would more frequently criticize the evils of U.S. policy at home and abroad, defend economic justice as vigorously as they do liberty, and refuse to allow their valid opposition to Marxism - Leninism to lead them to regard all Third World movements for social change as Marxist - Leninist fronts.

The coalition is drawing attention because it has the potential of providing the infrastructure for a grassroots conservative movement that now includes tea party activists and social conservatives.

Even though the primary movement for this group was in the aftermath of the manifesto launch, this is hard to link to the Conservative's social care or pension plans, since this group is the least likely to be immediately affected by them.

In the preceding years, a strong movement calling for this had built up in opposition to the ruling Conservative governments, which many opponents claimed had undermined the social and economic consensus that had prevailed until then - particularly in respect of labour rights.

The effort, part of a national movement through the Family Policy Alliance and a network of 40 additional state - based groups, underscores the skepticism some social conservatives held for Trump's candidacy and lifestyle.

According to Elliott's slides, this movement includes the Taxpayers» Alliance and other officially non-partisan groups like MigrationWatch and the Countryside Alliance, centre - right charitable thinktanks including the Centre for Social Justice and Policy Exchange, activist groups like ConservativeHome, and Ukip as well as the Conservative party.

Could have convinced the party that blue Labours view on Immigration and socially conservative views on communities such as religion, working with the state to subsidise locally run charities, was something, that could bring into our party working class people not already connected, by the groups associated with our movements (Trade unions, the Co-op, retired union affiliates) after the disaster of the World cup, owl gate and then the Ill prepared speech at the IPFF on social change and trying to deflect attention from it by rushing out the «well make unemployed teenagers work for their dole» plan, it's hard to see us being able to be taken serious on welfare reform.

He challenged those who don't believe in government seeking social justice by pointing out that the very building they were in, Hawkstone Hall, had hosted launches of Wilberforce's anti-slavery drive, the ragged school movement of Shaftyesbury (pictured) and that the spire was donated by the family of Abraham Lincoln who had drawn his inspiration from the conservative moments that had started there.

Always known for harshly conservative views on social issues ---- he was active in the movement to block marriage equality in New York, has ties to the extremist Family Research Council, and is anti-choice ---- Cabrera nonetheless sparked fresh outrage when the Uganda video emerged.

When I published a piece earlier this year about the tense estrangement between conservative education reformers and the movement's increasingly dominant social justice wing, it did not sit well with members of the latter group, including Rhames, who penned a response on Education Post titled, «An Open Letter to White Conservative Education Reforconservative education reformers and the movement's increasingly dominant social justice wing, it did not sit well with members of the latter group, including Rhames, who penned a response on Education Post titled, «An Open Letter to White Conservative Education ReforConservative Education Reformers.»

Conservatives think it's a problem to include social justice issues in the reform movement, because it threatens to splinter coalitions by introducing divisive racial and social issues.

TFA, suitably representative of the liberal education reform more generally, underwrites, intentionally or not, the conservative assumptions of the education reform movement: that teacher's unions serve as barriers to quality education; that testing is the best way to assess quality education; that educating poor children is best done by institutionalizing them; that meritocracy is an end - in - itself; that social class is an unimportant variable in education reform; that education policy is best made by evading politics proper; and that faith in public school teachers is misplaced.

While Coates doesn't touch on education policy, he essentially makes a strong historical case for why reformers (especially increasingly erstwhile conservatives in the movement) must go back to embracing accountability measures and a strong federal role in education policymaking that, along with other changes in American society, are key to helping children from poor and minority households (as well as their families and communities) attain economic and social equality.

Because movement conservatives of that time such as William F. Buckley Jr., and Barry Goldwater didn't view state - sanctioned racism as the great moral question that it was, because their fetish for preserving tradition led them to believe that the federal government didn't have the obligation to address segregation, because of their concerns about communism and the expansion of federal government, and because they viewed the civil disobedience by activists such as Martin Luther King (as well as their push to force social change) as an affront to the order they craved, they essentially gave succor to Jim Crow segregationists even if that wasn't their original intent.

Spanning the years 1962 - 1968, Actionism was a provocative performance movement with roots in postwar gestural abstraction (Action Painting) that sought to transgress the conservative Viennese social climate by using the body as material in violent, explicit, sometimes sexual Aktions.

«Challenging global warming as a social problem: An analysis of the conservative movement's counterclaims.»

* «Old Labor» people in the more conservative unions and the Labor Party who take a narrowly economic view of workers» interests and have a dislike of environmentalists and other new social movement activists which is affective rather than intellectual — indeed, is anti-intellectual.

The link between workers» rights and support for the EU amongst the British labour movement is not new and dates back to the 1980s when the TUC — faced with a domestic Conservative government hostile to trade unions and following Jacques Delors» speech advocating a social dimension to European integration — withdrew its support for the UK's withdrawal from the (then) EEC and instead adopted a positive approach to UK membership.