Sentences with phrase «social critique in»

Their practices are useful parallels to Love's; her works in the accompanying exhibition produce social critique in referencing hegemonic symbolic structures — like certain fashion or religious iconography — while being composed of expressive, powerfully raw mark making.

This exhibition marks a crucial moment in Wiley's career, as he sets out to push both his artistic process and social critique in to new territory.

Taking Sides explores the tradition of social critique in modern and contemporary art.

This isn't a young white coed trying to solve a mystery and save herself, it's a young man of color, challenging the audience to enjoy the ride but understand why switching these roles in a horror film is a social critique in itself.

Not exact matches

See, the movement of dialogue in short order from development economics on the post-modern social marxian critique, bound up in decades of thought from well before the vertical rise in its popularity in the 1960's to today.

But even that demonstrator — who brought out an effigy of Obama with texts declaring him a liar and murderer — was fundamentally critiquing large corporations and their control over politicians when he declared in a sign that «TTIP and CETA is social murder dictated by the US.»

Although I frequently find myself at odds with First Things over issues pertaining to economics and the role of government in public life, I usually find its critique of American social mores and ethics to be insightful and illuminating.

A justified process - rooted philosophical appreciation of social canons can be taught through a pedagogical strategy that begins with their critique, that expunges them from the natural given furnishings of the immediately real in order to rediscover them as the inherited cultural accretions by which we transform the immediately real into a world of enduring meanings and human significance.

A vast international convergence seems possible on such objectives because social forces with a radical critique of liberalism have developed (MST in Brazil, KCTU in Korea, European marches, etc.) and because international and regional demonstrations (above all in Europe, America and Asia) are growing in strength.

Articles and teaching sessions are devoted to social scandals like the increase in hunger, poverty, homelessness and illiteracy in the U.S. Likewise, issues surrounding U.S. foreign policy, aid and grotesque military appropriations are frequently critiqued on behalf of a foreseen new social order that will be founded on liberationist principles.

And it seems to me that this conundrum in particular — this tendency among young, social media - savvy evangelicals to consume information about the depravity of our culture like Cookie Monster at an Oreo Factory, only to belch out the same tired critiques — comes down to our understanding of the Kingdom of God and how it's made.

This understanding of the limited scope of scientific method had been generally accepted since Kant's Critique of Pure Reason (1781); but in nineteenth - century evolutionary parlance it took on the specific meaning that «all beginnings and endings are lost in mystery,» a phrase that became commonplace in the sciences and social sciences as a way of dismissing or circumventing probing questions that sought to assess the larger implications or consequences of scientific analysis.

The communitarian critique of liberalism, whatever one may think of it as philosophy, has succeeded in reminding liberals that liberalism does have social and cultural presuppositions, and that these must be attended to if liberalism is to survive.

Yet another theme in the educational literature is that narrative is a source of human consciousness and social critique.

I believe that Muller's mistake is rooted in a too facile assimilation of Hume and Burke (Burke attacked metaphysical politics and not metaphysics per se, and assuredly believed that custom as «second nature» was deeply rooted in an unchangeable human and social nature) and in a general failure to confront fully the important conservative critique of relativism and historicism.

The Trivialization of God: The Dangerous Illusion of a Manageable Deity By Donald W. McCullough NavPress, 172 pages, $ 16 The president of San Francisco Theological Seminary offers a sprightly and at times disturbing critique of the many ways in which we try to domesticate God» fitting Him into our emotions, concepts, or social» political proclivities.

«Francis's critique of unrestrained capitalism is in line with the Church's social teaching.»

A few years after this critique of development from a Third World standpoint, a second dissenting movement appeared, primarily among social thinkers in advanced industrial countries.

Feminism challenges the legitimacy of sex roles Along with other social movements, feminism is rooted in the critique that a society so constructed that certain people and groups profit from inequalities — between men and women, rich and poor, black and white, etc. — is a society in which money is more highly valued than love, justice, and human life itself.

Seeking to live solely by the values and priorities of Jesus Christ: and his kingdom, desiring, that is, to be Christ's community of called - out people, the Sojourners staff and community have sought (a) to become post-American in their social critique, visibly protesting the systems of death in the world.

Spelled out in a lengthy lead editorial entitled «Evangelicals in the Social Struggle,» as well as in books such as Aspects of Christian Social Ethics, Henry's understanding of Christian social responsibility stressed (a) society's need for the spiritual regeneration of all men and women, (b) an interim social program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political sSocial Struggle,» as well as in books such as Aspects of Christian Social Ethics, Henry's understanding of Christian social responsibility stressed (a) society's need for the spiritual regeneration of all men and women, (b) an interim social program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political sSocial Ethics, Henry's understanding of Christian social responsibility stressed (a) society's need for the spiritual regeneration of all men and women, (b) an interim social program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political ssocial responsibility stressed (a) society's need for the spiritual regeneration of all men and women, (b) an interim social program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political ssocial program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political ssocial ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political ssocial arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political ssocial responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political system.

It has, on the one hand, become more in line with the American way of life, while at the same time increasing its commentary and critique on specific social and political issues.

Since Harold Lindsell assumed the position of editor late in the sixties, Christianity Today has moved away from the mere elucidation of socially related Biblical principles, as Henry thought was right, to an ongoing commitment to social critique and specific commentary on a wide range of social and political issues.

Using rock's intense energy and direct immediacy (be it expressing a personal or a social critique), Been stares anger and hurt in the face, confronts it and directs it into a more productive direction.

Profiles and Critiques in Social Theory.

I thank Brent Slife for his support of my critique of the compartmentalization that prevails in the social sciences and humanities at BYU (as elsewhere, of course), and even more for his valuable work as a teacher and scholar in questioning this compartmentalization.

Thus we can say that Marx's critique of religion is not primarily and essentially a revolt against God, but rather a struggle on behalf of the human beings in all of their personal needs and social relations.

There is in Revelation 18 (again following the lead of Mottu»») an implicit social critique which can be analyzed under the Marxist categories of religion as distress and protest.34 Latent in the liturgical form of this passage there is a primitive or «savage» political analysis of the Roman Empire.

In his insightful review, Edmund Waldstein defends Andrew Willard Jones's critique of the modern differentiation of social institutions and advocates for a return to the sacred integration of a premodern time.

However, this type of critique is essential in order to achieve delegitimation but it only goes half way to a solution if it does not integrate an analysis of social relations and a critique of the economic function.

And this ends up in social inefficiency of the radical ethical critique.

On the other hand, even when leaders are committed to seeking social justice, they have not been able to sustain a legitimate critique of poverty and injustice in America because the family ideals of the American Dream continue to be linked to democratic values and economic stability.

Different social forces have long - since been engaged not only in a critique of the current model of society, but also in a re-definition of different models of society to the one which is imposed on us and whose sole vision is of a merchant society which is individualist and socially unjust and, above all, cynical.

Neither Catholic speaker critiqued atheist philosophies and the dehumanising consequences they engender, the loss of freedom, hope and social cohesion, and the violence that often characterises not just Marxist atheism but humanist secularism, as in the French Revolution, for example.

This final part of Griffin's argument for the process theodicy turns on an assumption that he appears to have borrowed by Hartshorne, viz., that the so - called «social view» of omnipotence is the only alternative to the monopolistic (and thus to the standard) view.9 The critique of the latter thus established the former as (in Griffin's words) «the only view that is coherent if one is talking about the power a being with the greatest conceivable amount of power could have over a created, i.e. an actual world» (GPE 269).

a similar critique in Charles Scriven, The Transformation of Cu / ture: Christian Social Ethics after H. Richard Niebuhr.

In sum, we can speak of (a) a relation to nature — the animal kingdom, the calming of a storm, rain and fruitfulness of the land; (b) the social and political community — the overcoming of economic injustice, oppression, cheating or bribing, conflict and lack of compassion; (c) the wellbeing of persons in the community — an aspect assumed in the critique of things that hinder it (covetousness, anger, jealousy) and depicted as family and communal harmonIn sum, we can speak of (a) a relation to nature — the animal kingdom, the calming of a storm, rain and fruitfulness of the land; (b) the social and political community — the overcoming of economic injustice, oppression, cheating or bribing, conflict and lack of compassion; (c) the wellbeing of persons in the community — an aspect assumed in the critique of things that hinder it (covetousness, anger, jealousy) and depicted as family and communal harmonin the community — an aspect assumed in the critique of things that hinder it (covetousness, anger, jealousy) and depicted as family and communal harmonin the critique of things that hinder it (covetousness, anger, jealousy) and depicted as family and communal harmony.

But — and this is a huge qualifier — if that message of justification by God's undeserved love is preached apart from an unmasking of the actual power relations which have aggravated these feelings to the level of a social neurosis; if people are released from the rat race of upward mobility only privatistically, with no critique of the economic and social ideology that stimulates such desperate cravings; if people are liberated from a bad sense of themselves without any sense of mission to change the conditions that waste human beings in such a way, then justification by faith becomes a mystification of the actual power relations, and the Christian gospel is indeed the opiate of the masses.

If I were choosing recent books in this area which most deserve to be read outside the country, I would start with Oliver O'Donovan's political theology in The Desire of the Nations; John Milbank's critique of the social sciences in Theology and Social Theory; Timothy Gorringe's provocative political reading of Karl Barth in Karl Barth: Against Hegemony; Peter Sedgwick's The Market Economy and Christian Ethics; Michael Banner's Christian Ethics and Contemporary Moral Problems; Duncan Forrester's Christian Justice and Public Policy; and Timothy Jenkins's Religion in Everyday Life: An Ethnographic Approach, which argues with a dense interweaving of theory and empirical study for a social anthropological approach to English religion which has learned much from thesocial sciences in Theology and Social Theory; Timothy Gorringe's provocative political reading of Karl Barth in Karl Barth: Against Hegemony; Peter Sedgwick's The Market Economy and Christian Ethics; Michael Banner's Christian Ethics and Contemporary Moral Problems; Duncan Forrester's Christian Justice and Public Policy; and Timothy Jenkins's Religion in Everyday Life: An Ethnographic Approach, which argues with a dense interweaving of theory and empirical study for a social anthropological approach to English religion which has learned much from theSocial Theory; Timothy Gorringe's provocative political reading of Karl Barth in Karl Barth: Against Hegemony; Peter Sedgwick's The Market Economy and Christian Ethics; Michael Banner's Christian Ethics and Contemporary Moral Problems; Duncan Forrester's Christian Justice and Public Policy; and Timothy Jenkins's Religion in Everyday Life: An Ethnographic Approach, which argues with a dense interweaving of theory and empirical study for a social anthropological approach to English religion which has learned much from thesocial anthropological approach to English religion which has learned much from theology.

For a critique of functionalism in the social sciences, see Carl Hempel, «The Logic of Functional Analysis.»

Turning first to the Asian values claims, I offer a four-fold critique of the these culture - based claims: first, I will briefly address the Asian values claim on a substantive level; second, I will address a related cultural prerequisites argument which seeks to disqualify some societies from realization of democracy and human rights; third, I will consider claims made on behalf of community or communitarian values in the East Asian context; and fourth, a recent shift to concern with institutions and their role in social transformation will be considered as a prelude to the constitutionalist argument addressed in the second half of this essay.

On the whole Wesleyans felt uncomfortable with it, despite our recognition of valid elements in its critique of the Social Gospel.

Similarly, when a group of Christians in the Asian American community recently released a letter detailing some of their concerns about common stereotypes and prejudices within the evangelical community, I saw many on social media critique this action as «divisive» and «harmful to Christian unity.»

Michael Fleet has critiqued the work of both Talcott Parsons and Robert Bellah in terms oftheir respective social and political stances, «Religion and Politics: Talcott Parsons,» Ecumenist, 18/1, 1979,12 - 16; and «Bellah's Sociology,» Ecumenist, 18/2, 1980,27 - 32.

The lack of built - in social support is an interesting critique — as there's certainly a healthy social scene online built around veganism (the subreddit r / vegan comes to mind)-- but yes, no Jenny Craig or Weight Watchers system.

In its critique of neoliberalism, Blond was breaking with the dominant Tory economic paradigm of the last thirty years, marrying traditional social conservatism and criticism of the state with an attack on untrammelled free markets.

Corbyn hasn't quite adopted Marx's economics (though his recent comment that «it can not be right that in some parts of Britain you earn more than in others» certainly tends in that direction), but his supporters undoubtedly — if unknowingly — echo Marx's social critique.

That's why negative social critique — what Adorno called «the unalleviated consciousness of negativity» — isn't on my view a simple miserabilism, it's actually essential to keeping issues of oppression and disempowerment alive in democratic theory.

Others, such as blogger Minna Salami (self - branded as «MsAfropolitan»), and scholars Achille Mbembe and Chielozona Eze, have engaged with these critiques, yet argue there is still social, political and analytical value in the concept of Afropolitanism.

In her critique of Marshall's account, Margaret Somners (1993: 589) reminds us that citizenship refers to an ensemble of «institutionally - embedded social practices».