Homophobia is generally defined as hostility towards or fear of gay people, but can also refer to
social ideologies which stigmatize homosexuality.
Not exact matches
To my mind, the boys - in - the - girls» - room message dramatizes something middle - class communities sense,
which is that the entire LGBT project and allied movements undermine
social norms for boys and girls and try to put in their place unworkable gender
ideologies.
This has been a period in
which the categories of the
social sciences have been employed for the study of such ancient literature, alerting us to the ways in
which ancient communities are rooted in
social realities, as well as the ways in
which social structures and
ideologies reinforce each other.
This
ideology which is present in mass media by virtue of their nature and
social organization then shapes how they represent
social reality through processes of selection and reinterpretation.
The book also provides some useful examples of the ways in
which ideologies become articulated with, or reflective of, their
social environments.
But these explanations focus on psychological factors rather than providing insight into the institutional contexts in
which ideas are actually produced, paid for, brought into contact with an interested audience, enacted in collective rituals, used to mobilize resources against competing
ideologies, and embedded in
social arrangements.
These variables help greatly to specify the intervening mechanisms by
which larger
social - structural conditions affect
ideologies.
Thus we have the spectacle «of a set of sanctimonious, rationalist politicians, preaching an
ideology of unselfishness and
social service to a population in
which they and their predecessors have done their best to destroy the only living root of moral behavior.»
Struck by the contingency and organic relatedness of
social institutions, practices, and actions, and dismayed by the Utopian
ideologies to
which so many modern minds are prone, paleoconservatives (as they now style themselves) such as Kirk are opposed to «ideological infatuation» or even to imagining
social projects for the future at all.
In order to convince the confused and alienated masses, we must be able to demonstrate that Catholic
social thought treads the middle path between theocracy — the ambition of strict Islamist
ideology — where the spiritual authorities simply subsume the powers of the State, and the atheist secularist agenda,
which eventually leads to the State assuming God - like powers, yet without the compassion and respect for human freedom that is characteristic of the true God of Love.
Social liberal
ideology is like Gnosticism in its reliance (
which is usually implicit) on one form or another of person - body (or self - body) dualism; but dualism is only one feature of Gnosticism (albeit a very important one).
However, they were also pragmatists, and they couldn't have failed to see how democracy,
which was viewed in India as inseparable from the promise of
social and economic justice, and the official
ideology of secular nationalism were necessary means to contain the country's many sectarian divisions.
Nevertheless the Christian doctrine of the relation between the ethics of Law and Grace, the Hindu concept of paramarthika and vyavaharika realms, the Islamic concept of shariat law versus the transcendent law, and the equivalent ones in secular
ideologies like the Marxist idea of the present morality of class - war leading to the necessary love of the class-less society of the future need to be brought into the inter-faith dialogue to build up a common democratic political ethic for maintaining order and freedom with the continued struggle for
social justice, and also a common civil morality within
which diverse peoples may renew their different traditions of civil codes.
The goal is to create a Public Philosophy or Civil Culture, in
which insights of religions, secular
ideologies and
social sciences are constantly brought into interaction and are tested for their relevance to humanize the contemporary forces of modernity
which have run amok.
In a general sense, one can speak of four areas of struggle: (i) the system of economic exploitation and
social stratification (racial segregation, women's working conditions, unemployment and the new legislation of «flexibility and «deregulation); (ii) the
ideology (the way of representing the world,
social relations, etc.) that justifies the system — the new
ideologies of race superiority, the religious legitimation of competition and the so - called free market as the only and sufficient way of organizing human life (iii) the ways in
which the consciousness of the oppressed, is led to interject this
ideology of domination and to develop a feeling of self - denial and self - devaluation; (iv) the atomization of the society through the weakening and destruction of neighborhood, workers and local cultural manifestations.
But — and this is a huge qualifier — if that message of justification by God's undeserved love is preached apart from an unmasking of the actual power relations
which have aggravated these feelings to the level of a
social neurosis; if people are released from the rat race of upward mobility only privatistically, with no critique of the economic and
social ideology that stimulates such desperate cravings; if people are liberated from a bad sense of themselves without any sense of mission to change the conditions that waste human beings in such a way, then justification by faith becomes a mystification of the actual power relations, and the Christian gospel is indeed the opiate of the masses.
They are seeking what has been called post-modern paradigms for «an open secular democratic culture» within the framework of a public philosophy (Walter Lippman) or Civil Religion (Robert Bellah) or a new genuine realistic humanism or at least a body of insights about the nature of being and becoming human, evolved through dialogue among renascent religions, secularist
ideologies including the philosophies of the tragic dimension of existence and disciplines of
social and human sciences
which have opened themselves to each other in the context of their common sense of historical responsibility and common human destiny.
Mosse carefully distinguishes German National Socialism» in
which a virulent racist
ideology, drawing on
social Darwinism, anti «Semitism, and various nineteenth «century racialist theories, wedded itself to nationalism» from other forms of fascism that downplayed or shunned racism.
But Underwood found his spiritual authority more in the academic
ideology of rationalism than in the dark mystery of a crucified Messiah; his final vision is a rather flat
social idealism in
which the academic world is adulated.
In my opinion what has happened in this area is that a kind of
social ideology is now embedded within the medical paradigm, to the extent that that
social judgments are masquerading as scientific judgments making the science a pseudo science, as a relatively small number of people have been placed in a position wherein they can choose what relevant lines of evidence (and what counter arguments) are acceptable and
which are not, as deemed by themselves.
We have to deal with the
social and economic factors
which enable terrorist groups to survive, and the
ideology that sustains them, as well as with the attacks that they are planning to conduct.
Philip Blonde takes an almost Democratic Republican
ideology towards public service reform in advocating using
social entreprises to manage schools, hospitals, sure start centres etc,
which would be democratically connected to all other schools etc through out the country and collectively elect the central management who allocate budget spending to each and every school etc. http://www.respublica.org.uk/publications/ownership-state It sounds more like a radical libertarian socialist solution to public services than a free market conservative solution to public services.
Why is the study of
ideologies so important for understanding — and navigating through — the
social world of
which we are part?
Social conservatives support socially conservative
ideology,
which means that their votes could potentially go to a candidate with little concern for party enrollment.
Rather than silly Punch and Judy rhetoric about Tories it might be instructive to consider just how far and how destructively New Labour has combined a market
ideology (inherited from Thatcherism, although frequently misunderstood) with a preference for
social engineering once favoured by what had been the more Statist elements of the Left to create
social bullying through rationing,
which is what this is all about.
Like his father, Andrew Cuomo is carrying forward a liberal
social ideology, at times challenging the Roman Catholic Church, in
which both men were raised.
All the film's allusions to power structures, dominant
ideologies and seismic
social change are engaged in this one crucial scene,
which re-frames everything that has come before.
Yet anyone aware of the global education
ideology,
which has captivated
social studies experts ever since the end of the cold war, was not surprised.
On the other hand, complexity makes the difference or the complex plurality,
which does not have an horizontal order, the
social - corporative theories tend to fall to the deception of having «organization levels», and unavoidably make the mistake of seeing the world as a plural closed over it - self; typical of the dogmatic
ideologies that in the end just look for a zero confusion level.
Critical pedagogue Ira Shor defines critical pedagogy as: «Habits of thought, reading, writing, and speaking
which go beneath surface meaning, first impressions, dominant myths, official pronouncements, traditional clichés, received wisdom, and mere opinions, to understand the deep meaning, root causes,
social context,
ideology, and personal consequences of any action, event, object, process, organization, experience, text, subject matter, policy, mass media, or discourse.»
This
ideology of male entitlement seeps into the wider
social consciousness of everyone, regardless of gender, a byproduct of
which can negatively impact the ways women relate to one another and the ways we think about our relationships to our own bodies, and our own sexuality.
While the recent upsurge of feminist activity in this country has indeed been a liberating one, its force has been chiefly emotional — personal, psychological and subjective — centered, like the other radical movements to
which it is related, on the present and its immediate needs, rather than on historical analysis of the basic intellectual issues
which the feminist attack on the status quo automatically raises.1 Like any revolution, however, the feminist one ultimately must come to grips with the intellectual and ideological basis of the various intellectual or scholarly disciplines — history, philosophy, sociology, psychology, etc. — in the same way that it questions the
ideologies of present
social institutions.
A notable characteristic of modernism is self - consciousness and irony concerning literary and
social traditions,
which often led to experiments with form, along with the use of techniques that drew attention to the processes and materials used in creating a painting, poem, building, etc. [4] Modernism explicitly rejected the
ideology of realism [5][6][7] and makes use of the works of the past by the employment of reprise, incorporation, rewriting, recapitulation, revision and parody.
De Andrade's works also attend to the ways in
which attitudes and emotions are shaped — and governed — by images,
social conventions, and political
ideologies.
«In Montparnasse,» it continued, «we see
social housing in pracice, the epitome of the modern urban envirnonment and a wistful reminder of how the reality of Modernist architecture parted ways with its socially - minded
ideology... Gursky is able to achieve a powerful sense of both alienation and individuality,
which leaves us feeling the prime symptom of the modern world: the fear of being alone.»
A sparse aesthetic vocabulary belies conceptual complexity in the work of Liam Gillick, in
which distilled elements of utopian modernism, power
ideology,
social interaction, and corporate production comprise a constellation of open - ended proposals.
The pieces featured in this show explore the way in
which music has been associated with various political
ideologies and
social situations, as well as the manners in
which sound, music and language create specific meanings, especially when they are juxtaposed.
A sparse aesthetic vocabulary belies conceptual complexity in the work of Liam Gillick (British, born 1964), in
which distilled elements of utopian modernism, power
ideology,
social interaction, and corporate production make up a constellation of open - ended proposals.
Also money will be spent on communicating the story and
ideology of Smart Highway via
social media, free lectures by Daan Roosegaarde for art students, and in a special transportation magazine from the ANWB (4 million readers) in
which every reader gets a part of the «Glowing Lines» to make their local environment more safe.
Eventually the document was endorsed by 4,000 scientists who declared that «we are worried at the dawn of the twenty - first century, at the emergence of an irrational
ideology [man - made global warming]
which is opposed to scientific and industrial progress and impedes economic and
social development.»
The findings underscore the importance of investigating the mechanisms through
which sexist
ideologies are translated into daily behaviors that help maintain a gendered
social structure.