In that same 22 Days in May postscript, Laws also notes that the Lib Dems» retreat towards economic liberalism, combined with a move towards
social liberalism for the Tories under David Cameron, gave the parties some common ground on which to start coalition negotiations.
To give people some food for thought, we have also republished Steve and Jo Holland's article on Communicating Social Liberalism from Reinventing the State:
Social Liberalism for the 21st Century on the Social Liberal Forum website (the full Reinventing the State will be back in print next month).
By Duncan Brack This article was originally published in Reinventing the State:
Social Liberalism for the 21st Century.
-LSB-...] article was originally published in Reinventing the State:
Social Liberalism for the 21st Century.
A response eventually came in 2007, in the form of Reinventing the State:
Social Liberalism for the 21st Century, which I co-edited with Duncan Brack (also a former director of policy) and David Howarth, then the MP for Cambridge.
Not exact matches
The chapter covering this period is one of the best in the book, with its careful account of how Bonhoeffer's censorious judgment of the superficiality of American religious
liberalism gradually gave way to admiration
for the central place of
social justice and
for the vital religious faith of the oppressed black Christians whom he met at Abyssinian Baptist Church in Harlem.
Anyone who imagines that freedom
for the media will be established if only everyone is busy transmitting and receiving is the dupe of a
liberalism which, decked out in contemporary colors, merely peddles the faded concepts of a pre-ordained harmony of
social interests.
that innovation in constitutional jurisprudence greased the skids
for a 23 - year slide through
social liberalism.
Before the election, many evangelical leaders predicted that opposition to Obama over his support
for abortion rights, his personal endorsement of same - sex marriage and his vision of government as a force
for good would trump reservations evangelicals had about Romney's past
social liberalism and his Mormon faith.
Changing political circumstances altered political ideals over the next seventy years, such that pro-Catholic thinkers such as Félicité de Lamennais gradually began to endorse
liberalism's doctrine of religious liberty as a way of providing safe harbor
for the Church's
social influence within a French state that was no longer officially Catholic.
There might or might not be a future
for the «war on women» branding, but
social liberalism isn't going anywhere.
This dynamic allows
for social liberalism to take the offensive, while allowing socially liberal candidates to seem like reasonable people who only bring up
social issues when they are forced to do so.
And while the strains of the post-Conciliar years (which were also years of tremendous demographic transformation on the American urban / suburban landscape) have tested that claim as never before, there remain, in this, the sesquicentennial year of the erection of the diocese, many impressive signs of vitality in a local church that has been distinguished
for its rich ethnic diversity, its identification of parish and neighborhood, its impressive clerical and lay leadership, its self - conscious
social and political
liberalism, and its sense of itself as the «lead diocese» in matters ranging from liturgical renewal to Christian
social action.
While trying to preserve
liberalism's valid insight of man's moral and rational capacity
for good, Niebuhr rejected its utopian and individualistic
social strategy.
Liberalism's founders tended to take
for granted the persistence of
social norms, even as they sought to liberate individuals from those constitutive associations and the accompanying education in self - limitation that sustained these norms.
The secular form of
liberalism for Niebuhr was a philosophy and
social ethic which stemmed from a secularized Social Gospel combined with American optimism, faith in the techniques of natural science, and the idea of inevitable social pro
social ethic which stemmed from a secularized
Social Gospel combined with American optimism, faith in the techniques of natural science, and the idea of inevitable social pro
Social Gospel combined with American optimism, faith in the techniques of natural science, and the idea of inevitable
social pro
social progress.
As Niebuhr contemplated the shambles of the Depression, he became deeply convinced that modern
liberalism, whether in its secular or its religious form, could not provide relevant guidance
for social and political reconstruction.
However, to criticize
liberalism he used Marxism's organic view of society, its theory of class conflict, its insights into
social injustice, its intuition of judgment and disaster, and its sense
for the duplicity of man.
My predecessor at Duke, H. Shelton Smith, asserted (in Faith and Nurture) the important unity of education and theology and sought to build a bridge between
liberalism's concern with the
social order and neo-orthodoxy's concern
for the tradition.
This is important, I believe, in order to contextualize the real import of liberation theology as calling
for a new realization of
social justice in dialectical contradiction to conservatism and
liberalism.
During the «30s, theologian Reinhold Niebuhr, though himself a Century contributing editor at the time, became more and more critical of the kind of
social - gospel
liberalism that the journal had championed
for decades.
Of course men are corrupted by evil
social institutions; but if the
social processes fully explain man's behavior, then the freedom which
liberalism has claimed
for man is denied.
There were frequent comparisons of the best in «evangelicalism» with what seems to them the worst in «ecumenism»... The most frequent charges against us were theological
liberalism, loss of evangelical conviction, universalism in theology, substitution of
social action
for evangelism, and the search
for unity at the expense of biblical truth.
Hence, the French conception of
liberalism seems to have some bearing on
social liberty but not outright self - empowerment and a capacity
for governmental change.4 If the people will not argue
for change, only the political power can; but politicians want to keep power inside the state.
This strand of thought is not alien to the party, and
for much of the history of the Liberal Party, and then the Liberal Democrats, it has been able to coexist happily with centre - left
social liberalism.
What does this mean
for the future of
social liberalism?
On the wider issue of giving the right of your party some stick and standing up
for social liberalism, I am happy to stand corrected that you have been doing this.
Hi John, we would like to keep in touch with the
Social Liberal diaspora, but as far as SLF membership is concerned we want our members to stay in the party and support our campaigns for social liber
Social Liberal diaspora, but as far as SLF membership is concerned we want our members to stay in the party and support our campaigns
for social liber
social liberalism.
He made the case
for his trademark mix of
social liberalism and fiscal conservatism.
Economic
liberalism,
for Laws, is about the way in which we pursue
social liberalism, not about the aims of
social liberalism.
A note on terms, first, if I may: centrism is a deeply misleading term, conferring an image of moderation on a party that would combine
social liberalism and anti-Brexitism with support
for cuts, privatisation and a pro-corporate agenda.
However, some American fiscal conservatives view wider
social liberalism as an impetus
for increased spending on these programs.
A secondary meaning
for the term liberal conservatism that has developed in Europe is a combination of more modern conservative (less traditionalist) views with those of
social liberalism.
When asked to name a policy area that the pair differed on, Lamb would cite his support
for assisted dying — something Farron opposes — as being fundamental to his
social liberalism.
British Conservative economic
liberalism and individualism, our hostility to European paternalist
social policies and to Euro - federalism, and our propensity
for the cold shower of «common sense» solutions, mean that we sit uneasily with the most important parties of the European centre right.
For the record, while the
Social Liberal Forum does indeed believe that social liberalism is the mainstream ideology of the Liberal Democrats, we do not believe it is incompatible with other strands of liber
Social Liberal Forum does indeed believe that
social liberalism is the mainstream ideology of the Liberal Democrats, we do not believe it is incompatible with other strands of liber
social liberalism is the mainstream ideology of the Liberal Democrats, we do not believe it is incompatible with other strands of
liberalism.
Because there is more than one kind of
social liberalism, and we can't afford
for the backward - looking Fabian variety to dominate again.
It is characterized by
social liberalism [1] and combines ideas of civil liberty and equality with support
for social justice and a mixed economy.
In Europe, this
social liberalism is closer to European Social democracy although the original form is advocated by some liberal parties in Europe as well, as with the Beveridge Group faction within the Liberal Democrats (United Kingdom), Liberals (Sweden), Danish Social Liberal Party, the Democratic Movement (France), the Italian Republican Party or the Free Democratic Party of Germany, for ex
social liberalism is closer to European
Social democracy although the original form is advocated by some liberal parties in Europe as well, as with the Beveridge Group faction within the Liberal Democrats (United Kingdom), Liberals (Sweden), Danish Social Liberal Party, the Democratic Movement (France), the Italian Republican Party or the Free Democratic Party of Germany, for ex
Social democracy although the original form is advocated by some liberal parties in Europe as well, as with the Beveridge Group faction within the Liberal Democrats (United Kingdom), Liberals (Sweden), Danish
Social Liberal Party, the Democratic Movement (France), the Italian Republican Party or the Free Democratic Party of Germany, for ex
Social Liberal Party, the Democratic Movement (France), the Italian Republican Party or the Free Democratic Party of Germany,
for example.
In contrast, Cameron's ethical language of
social life has resonated amongst many who in the past would never have considered voting
for the economic
liberalism of Thatcherism.»
The Lib - Dems are not liberals but Fabian
social therapists The Conservatives have long been the main home of British
liberalism and some Tory MPs are looking hopefully to the «Orange Book», published in 2004 by a group of liberals including Nick Clegg, David Laws and Vince Cable to «reclaim»
liberalism for the Lib - Dems.