Sentences with phrase «social liberals and conservatives»

Not exact matches

Not only are Johnson and Weld social liberals and fiscal conservatives, they espouse views traditionally associated with moderate Republican candidates on the economy, such as favoring international trade agreements and reducing the national debt.

It is too early to say whether the election will result in the continuation of the grand coalition between the conservatives and the social democrats, a revival of the conservative - liberal coalition with the Free Democratic Party (FDP), or even a three - way coalition between the conservatives, the FDP, and the Green Party.

With the exception of the 1989 election, when Liberal Bill Code placed second, only the conservative Reform Party, Progressive Conservative, Alberta Alliance, Social Credit and Wildrose Party, and the environmentalist Evergreen Party have participated in thconservative Reform Party, Progressive Conservative, Alberta Alliance, Social Credit and Wildrose Party, and the environmentalist Evergreen Party have participated in thConservative, Alberta Alliance, Social Credit and Wildrose Party, and the environmentalist Evergreen Party have participated in the elections.

Right wing conservative types have a Jesus who is against gay marraige, is anti-abortion, thinks there should be prayer in school, and teaches the prosperity stuff and so on... Left wing liberal Christians quote the verses about giving up possessions, feeding and clothing the poor... inner city Christians often have a Jesus who is about social justice... we were made in His image?

The triumph of conservatives in the Southern Baptist Convention should not obscure the fact that a sizable number of Southern Baptists share classic liberal concerns for women's rights, racial and social justice and international peace, not to mention the viability of historical - critical method.

Moderate Protestants (along with Catholics) tend to «lean in a conservative direction on personal life - style issues and in a more liberal direction on matters of social justice.»

Where Wright is a liberal mainline Protestant, emphasizing liberation and social action, Obama's new circle of pastors includes theologically conservative evangelicals like Hunter and Jakes, who stress God's grace and personal transformation.

One of the biggest fallouts (to oversimplify) then was that conservatives cared about personal morality and not involvement in social ethics / issues of evil, while liberals cared about social ethics / issues but were seen as lax about morality.

Both liberals and conservative Christians cite Niebuhr - liberals for his emphasis on social justice and conservatives for his willingness to use force to oppose evil.

Both of the major camps of social conservative reaction to the challenges of the last few years are right in part: We have always had to struggle against the inclination of our liberal society to furiously pound itself into what Edmund Burke called «the dust and powder of individuality,» and to resist its elevation of choice above commitment.

The problem is that a basic tenet of classical liberalism — a tenet generally accepted in the Western world by «liberals,» as well as by many «conservatives» — is that differences regarding fundamental principles of human nature and morality are not a threat to social and political life.

I'm a Kingdom of God focused woman, postmodern, liberal to the conservative and conservative to the liberal in matters of both religion and politics (not an easy task, I assure you), a social justice wanna - be trying to do some good, and a nondenominational charismatic recovering know - it - all who has unexpectedly fallen back in love with the Church.

Conservatives, despite their substantive disagreements about the ultimate nature of things, have resisted liberal and radical calls for «transparency» in social life precisely because they understand that society can not withstand a too systematic or energetic analysis of its sometimes fragile foundations.

What we have in evangelical social ethics is a rough analogue of the ideological differences between Ronald Reagan (conservative), Richard Nixon (moderate), Pat Brown (liberal / reformist), and Jerry Brown (radical).

The magazines move from the strongly traditional viewpoint of Moody Monthly (a viewpoint carrying on the social ethic of late nineteenth century American revivalism), through the moderately conservative stance of Christianity Today (a stance that seeks perhaps unconsciously to revive the social activism of American fundamentalism prior to the repeal of Prohibition and the Scopes trail), to the socially liberal commitment of The Reformed Journal (a position seeking to be contemporary, and yet faithful to Calvin's thought) and the socially radical perspective of Sojourners (a perspective molded in the Anabaptist tradition).

Romney has struggled to win over many social conservatives who felt that his past positions on social issues were too liberal and many evangelicals who raised theological concerns over Romney's membership in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter - Day Saints.

Combining a social conscience with political pragmatism, he advocates using» «conservative» means (like tax subsidies and vouchers) to reach these seemingly «liberal» goals.»

This conflict has emerged between the liberal and militant activist pastors and denominational leaders, on the one hand, and a large body of more conservative laymen, on the other hand, who think the church should stick to spiritual matters and stop meddling in politics and «social» issues.

There is widespread disillusionment both with the characteristic reliance of liberals on government and of conservatives on the market to combat social ills.

This paper presents an approach to social and legal policy that would combine many concerns of both liberals and conservatives, that would work patiently toward long - range goals, that would embrace a dialogical notion of the common good, and that would seek to promote the general welfare by attending to the conditions under which individuals, families, and communities prosper.

But it is also possible that it may presage the development of an American third way between the harsh and unrealistic hands - off approach to social problems espoused by many conservatives, and the rigorously secular governmental programs favored by many liberals.

Liberals, conservatives, communitarians and libertarians all came together under the theory that many social ills would radically diminish if more people had the responsibility of home ownership.

Yet this very analysis of why conservative churches are growing assumes the presumptions of liberal social theory and practice that I am suggesting is the source of our difficulty.

Religious conservatives complained about voters» indifference toward abortion and President Clinton's evident character flaws, while religious liberals lamented public apathy toward social injustice and Speaker Gingrich's ethical lapses.

Religious and social conservatives, and even traditional liberals, may well have disagreed over the years about what constitutes modesty (Speedos or shorts?

So, Perot voters have in common conservative views on the economy and liberal views on social issues.

According to popular assumptions, liberal approaches to the Bible emphasize messages of social action and downplay supernatural intervention, while conservative or traditionalist views accept the miraculous and advocate quietist or reactionary politics.

The former view, one that accepts the social contract theory, leads to a hyper «individualism that, on the liberal side, fetishizes free speech and subscribes to a «do your own thing» morality, and, on the conservative side, is reflected in libertarian economics, as in Margaret Thatcher's famous (or notorious?)

A major shouting match, as we know, has also developed between religious liberals and religious conservatives, the two sides taking widely differing positions not only on theological orientations but also on social and political issues, and holding strongly negative views toward the other.

Also you clearly didn't read this because the «Christians» they are talking about are completely different and separate from the social conservatives; they are «progressive» Christians, i.e. liberal left wingers.

The goals of both conservatives and liberals would be greatly advanced if they, like King, were to recognize that love is necessary for social cohesion, especially in a nationally, racially and religiously plural state.

In light of that conviction, conservatives and liberals could repossess the love that makes possible justice, social policies and practices in which just means and ends cohere.

In relation to theological and social emphases on which conservative and liberal churches differ, research indicates long - run social trends toward (1) wider acceptance of the conclusions of valid empirical research, and (2) greater reluctance to accept the imperfections of existing social structures.

Why have many social critics and reformers, including both conservatives and liberals, found fault with the ideals of Martin Luther King, Jr.?

The survey bears out that the caliber of leadership is a far more determinative factor in church growth than questions of liberal - versus - conservative positions, or social action versus personal - individual religious experience and expression.

American liberals need conservatives to be racist as justification for resisting change to the status quo of our government in terms of social programs and «entitlement» spending.

In Massie's telling, Thatcher was an economic liberal and a social conservative (in fact she was one of the few Conservative MPs to vote for decriminalizing homosexuality and also voted in favor of liberalizing abortion — but let us allow Massie his characconservative (in fact she was one of the few Conservative MPs to vote for decriminalizing homosexuality and also voted in favor of liberalizing abortion — but let us allow Massie his characConservative MPs to vote for decriminalizing homosexuality and also voted in favor of liberalizing abortion — but let us allow Massie his characterization).

My father considered himself an «irenic» minister, but managed to split 2 churches at the end of his career — conservative «theologically» and liberal in social and political concerns.

His early job at the Dutch social insurance agency propelled him into politics, where he worked as a speechwriter for the conservative - liberal People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD).

There, in a nutshell, is the line of thinking that made Lasch such a blister to many liberals and conservatives: his condemnation of corporate and governmental power grabs, his attachment to a robust vision of democratic citizenship, and his conviction that the social work establishment, educators, therapists, and other semi-skilled technocrats had undermined the competence of the middle class, while subjecting the poor to «new controls sincerely disguised as benevolence.»

Demographers criticized the survey on methodological grounds for exaggerating the numbers of Orthodox Jews in the area, while representatives of Reform and Conservative Judaism and secular Jews warned that, if the survey's figures were correct, the New York Jewish community was leaving a golden age of liberal activism and intellectual modernism and entering a period of social insularity and religious obscurantism.

Rick Santorum is a social conservative and a fiscal liberal.

Proponents of increased public spending refer repeatedly to our «starved public sector,» and they look to the potential peace dividend as an opportunity to return to liberal social programs fallen on lean days because of budget restrictions and the conservative social philosophy of the Reagan and Bush administrations.

Henry rejected liberal versions of the social gospel which tended to be all social and no gospel, but he appealed to an earlier evangelical consensus of cultural engagement that included the work of William Wilberforce in campaigning for the abolition of the slave trade in England, the revivalist impulses of Charles G. Finney against slavery in this country, as well as evangelical concerns for suffrage, temperance, child labor laws, fair wages for workers, and many other progressive issues to which many theologically conservative Christians were once committed» before what David Moberg has called «the great reversal,» an evangelical withdrawal from such concerns.

With the move, President Donald Trump — who indicated during his campaign that he might protect LGBT rights — has sided with social conservatives on a key issue at the center of a broader cultural battle between conservatives and liberals.

Do they really think the public will go into the polling booth thinking «oh well I would vote for Labour but they can't be trusted on the economy, and I would vote for the Conservatives but they might deliver the wrong kind of recovery, so I think I will marry economic efficiency and social justice and vote for the Liberal Democrats instead»?

By the same token, I still believe that we need to rediscover and reinterpret the three overlapping political traditions — conservative, liberal and socialist or social - democratic — that have woven in and out of our history for well over a century; and that we have at least as much to learn from our complex religious traditions as from political ones.

Campaigning with conservative and national liberal positions on domestic, social and family policy, they have fared better in regional elections.

The motion was brought forward jointly by the Conservative (CDU / CSU), Social Democrat (SPD), Liberal (FDP) and Green groups.

Conservatives, Labour, and Liberal Democrats alike agreed to even stronger devolution than is now the case, with the now - permanent Scottish Parliament being given plenary powers regarding taxation and some important social issues, especially involving the operation of the modern welfare state.