Sentences with phrase «social policy which»

The development of parenting programmes is not an alternative to changes in social policy which would make the job of parenting easier.

I would point out that this is a place where we discuss, amongst other things social policy which is about the ways in which humans can shape organisational relationships to pursue human wellbeing.

How about introducing social policies which raise children out of poverty rather than putting all the responsibility on schools to close the gap between disadvantaged pupils and advantaged ones?

Not exact matches

Her letter states that «these efforts must include passing policies which decrease risks, providing support for social and emotional programs to address mental and behavioral health, and approving budgets that increase resources.»

Its own «Buy» button was referenced this week in an announcement on the social network's latest privacy policy update (which goes into effect on Jan. 1).

The housing bubble in the United States, which triggered the financial crisis in 2008, had highlighted the danger of using the financial system to make up for the failures in social policies.

Yesterday I blogged about rental housing in Yellowknife, over at the Northern Public Affairs web site. Specifically, I blogged about a recent announcement by the city's largest for - profit landlord that it plans to «tighten» its policies vis - a-vis renting to recipients of «income assistance» (which, in most parts of Canada, is known generically as social assistance).

Highly critical of New Labour but strongly influenced by Scandinavian social democracy, Compass is advancing themes and policies which will resonate on the progressive left in Canada — a relentless focus on -LSB-...]

The three main areas where my direct advice went unheeded were the following: (1) the need for large - scale financial assistance [29] for Russia, which I deemed (and still deem) to have been essential to molding a political consensus around reforms, and to bolstering the financial situation enough to achieve a modicum of success in the fight against hyperinflation; (2) the need for strong monetary and fiscal policy to achieve a rapid end to inflation [30]; and (3) the urgency of establishing a social safety net [31], especially in health care and pensions, to ensure an adequate social and political base for societal transformation and democratization.

In 2009, he built his first Facebook app, and he created an online database of social media policies which serves as a global reference for agencies and brand staff.

Additionally, we would enact our workforce continuity plan which includes social distancing and other policies to limit exposure.

VICTORIA — New Democrats are introducing a bill calling for the creation of a sustainable development board which would report to policy makers about key indicators of economic, environmental and social progress.

These factors — many of which are beyond our control and the effects of which can be difficult to predict — include: credit, market, liquidity and funding, insurance, operational, regulatory compliance, strategic, reputation, legal and regulatory environment, competitive and systemic risks and other risks discussed in the risk sections of our 2017 Annual Report; including global uncertainty and volatility, elevated Canadian housing prices and household indebtedness, information technology and cyber risk, regulatory change, technological innovation and new entrants, global environmental policy and climate change, changes in consumer behavior, the end of quantitative easing, the business and economic conditions in the geographic regions in which we operate, the effects of changes in government fiscal, monetary and other policies, tax risk and transparency and environmental and social risk.

The policies of the GOP and Trump threaten her future — health care, Medicare, Social Security — which worries me deeply.

«Such social doctrine provides directions but, with few exceptions (for instance, the defense of innocent human life), does not provide directives of immediate applicability to policy questions on which people of good faith, guided by reason and conscience, can come to different conclusions.»

If Christ would appear on the scene tomorrow and had to decide between Republican legislative social policies and Democratic legislative social policies, which would he choose?

Among them are the rights to: bullet joint parenting; bullet joint adoption; bullet joint foster care, custody, and visitation (including non-biological parents); bullet status as next - of - kin for hospital visits and medical decisions where one partner is too ill to be competent; bullet joint insurance policies for home, auto and health; bullet dissolution and divorce protections such as community property and child support; bullet immigration and residency for partners from other countries; bullet inheritance automatically in the absence of a will; bullet joint leases with automatic renewal rights in the event one partner dies or leaves the house or apartment; bullet inheritance of jointly - owned real and personal property through the right of survivorship (which avoids the time and expense and taxes in probate); bullet benefits such as annuities, pension plans, Social Security, and Medicare; bullet spousal exemptions to property tax increases upon the death of one partner who is a co-owner of the home; bullet veterans» discounts on medical care, education, and home loans; joint filing of tax returns; bullet joint filing of customs claims when traveling; bullet wrongful death benefits for a surviving partner and children; bullet bereavement or sick leave to care for a partner or child; bullet decision - making power with respect to whether a deceased partner will be cremated or not and where to bury him or her; bullet crime victims» recovery benefits; bullet loss of consortium tort benefits; bullet domestic violence protection orders; bullet judicial protections and evidentiary immunity; bullet and more...

By focusing exclusively on the legal components of abortion while simultaneously opposing these family - friendly social policies, the Republican Party has managed to hold pro-life voters hostage with the promise of outlawing abortion, (which has yet to happen under any Republican administrations since Roe v. Wade), while actively working against the very policies that would lead to a significant reduction in unwanted pregnancies.

A social policy, therefore, that first provides food, clothing, shelter, and medical care and only then attends to the other circumstances that permit or prevent the pursuit of happiness will undermine the social practices through which those other enabling conditions are ordinarily created.

Thus the particular historical exigencies and social possibilities in our own age will necessarily affect the ways in which these values are translated into norms on such issues as women's rights, sexual ethics, social justice, property rights, energy policy or ecological concerns.

As for the «narrow public witness» against which John Murdock rightly cautions, I really don't think «prioritizing» equals «ignoring,» such that to prioritize the defense of religious freedom and the right to life excludes other issues from the Church's social witness and public policy advocacy.

It seems indifferent to the radical distinction between conventional religion — which throws the aura of sanctity on contemporary public policy, whether morally inferior or outrageously unjust — and radical religious protest — which subjects all historical reality (including economic, social and radical injustice) to the «word of the Lord,» i.e., absolute standards of justice.

Niebuhr said that the thesis of his book was that a «sharp distinction must be drawn between the moral and social behavior of individuals and of social groups, national, racial, and economic; and that this distinction justifies and necessitates political policies which a purely individualistic ethic must always find embarrassing.

But the prophets had failed; instead of telling the truth, they deceived and distorted: «When the people build a wall» (the wall of the city; Wall Street; walls of finance, defense, security and privilege; walls that divide and protect; walls that include and exclude; walls of policy which are highly doubtful in their social implications and in their theological presuppositions), «the prophets paint those walls with whitewash.»

Such developments within academic disciplines are highly significant in a society in which the social sciences are viewed as instruments for the clarification, support and advancement of the government's philosophy and policies.

There is a need now more than ever to develop a means for doing religious social ethics which emphasizes the goal - orientation aspect of politics as a corrective to stress on the coercive - power factor in determining social policy.

The theological perspective which informed Underwood's exploration was H. Richard Niebuhr's theology of radical monotheism; the key ethical principle in the study was Niebuhr's «the responsible self engaged in shaping social policy.»

In a resolution drafted this summer, the New England Conference of the United Methodist Church — which represents more than 600 individual churches — wrote, «To people of color, the «War on Drugs» has arguably been the single most devastating, dysfunctional social policy since slavery.»

«Insti - tute for Social Policy and Understanding»???? As per http://www.guidestar.org, the directors and CEO are all Muslims which definitely does not agree with the topic commentary by Mr. Iftikhar.

The Danforth Study of Campus Ministries, published ten years ago under the audaciously inclusive title The Church, the University, and Social Policy, has probably had little measurable impact on any of the three communities addressed — which focus respectively on goodness, truth and power — much less on strengthening their linkage with one another.

Underwood was lucid in specifying what he meant by social policy, a term which he deliberately chose over such others as «servant role,» «mission,» «Kingdom of God,» and «earthly city.»

Some suspected that the institutes for policy study which Underwood envisioned were to be located in the Middletowns and New Havens where a screened elite could shape social policy.

It argues that a sharp distinction must be drawn between «the moral and social behavior of individuals and of social groups, national, racial, and economic; and that this distinction justifies and necessitates political policies which a purely individualistic ethic must always find embarrassing.

This paper presents an approach to social and legal policy that would combine many concerns of both liberals and conservatives, that would work patiently toward long - range goals, that would embrace a dialogical notion of the common good, and that would seek to promote the general welfare by attending to the conditions under which individuals, families, and communities prosper.

After 1996 scholars and policy analysts were quick to note that African - American congregations, many of which already were providing direct social services, would be most likely to benefit from these changes and most likely to apply for public funds.

Hence, the use of technology for good purposes runs into three tough problems at once: (1) balancing private wants and social needs; (2) harmonizing the plans made by individual experts with the decisions of the public as a whole; and (3) devising long - range policies in a political system which responds best to immediately felt needs, fears, and wants and which has a generally ill - informed electorate.

In light of that conviction, conservatives and liberals could repossess the love that makes possible justice, social policies and practices in which just means and ends cohere.

In October 1977 the entire panel was assembled for an Energy Ethics Consultation, at which an effort was made to assess technologies and policies for energy use and production in terms of their consistency with Christian ethical concern for the social impact.

Social welfare policies which encourage marriage and family cohesion such as increasing the «marriageability» of men, through wage supports and the EITC, will be of more long term benefit than creating new programs and new services.

This chapter deals with the place of science in the social order, and the channels through which the scientist can responsibly contribute to the formation of public policy.

There he says, one, that the shift from the concept of «the State's role as providers of equal opportunities to every citizen» to that of providing education, health and other social services «to those who can afford to pay» is a U-turn in public policy which «has been made surreptitiously by administrative action without public discussion and legislative sanction»; two, that the total commercialization of social sectors is «alien even to free market societies»; and three, that «the ready acceptance of self - financing concept in social sectors alien even to free - market societies is the end result of gradual disenchantment with the Kerala Model of Development», which has been emphasizing the social dimension rather than the economic, but that it is quite false to present the situation as calling for a choice between social development and economic growth.

If I were choosing recent books in this area which most deserve to be read outside the country, I would start with Oliver O'Donovan's political theology in The Desire of the Nations; John Milbank's critique of the social sciences in Theology and Social Theory; Timothy Gorringe's provocative political reading of Karl Barth in Karl Barth: Against Hegemony; Peter Sedgwick's The Market Economy and Christian Ethics; Michael Banner's Christian Ethics and Contemporary Moral Problems; Duncan Forrester's Christian Justice and Public Policy; and Timothy Jenkins's Religion in Everyday Life: An Ethnographic Approach, which argues with a dense interweaving of theory and empirical study for a social anthropological approach to English religion which has learned much from thesocial sciences in Theology and Social Theory; Timothy Gorringe's provocative political reading of Karl Barth in Karl Barth: Against Hegemony; Peter Sedgwick's The Market Economy and Christian Ethics; Michael Banner's Christian Ethics and Contemporary Moral Problems; Duncan Forrester's Christian Justice and Public Policy; and Timothy Jenkins's Religion in Everyday Life: An Ethnographic Approach, which argues with a dense interweaving of theory and empirical study for a social anthropological approach to English religion which has learned much from theSocial Theory; Timothy Gorringe's provocative political reading of Karl Barth in Karl Barth: Against Hegemony; Peter Sedgwick's The Market Economy and Christian Ethics; Michael Banner's Christian Ethics and Contemporary Moral Problems; Duncan Forrester's Christian Justice and Public Policy; and Timothy Jenkins's Religion in Everyday Life: An Ethnographic Approach, which argues with a dense interweaving of theory and empirical study for a social anthropological approach to English religion which has learned much from thesocial anthropological approach to English religion which has learned much from theology.

Looking primarily to models based on quantitative research methodologies to provide a clear direction for policy in regulating media and violence can also distract policy makers from coming to grips with other difficult but more important value questions that impinge on the issue of media and violence, such as the purpose of broadcasting, issues of ownership and control of media, the international context of Australian media, the dominant economic nature of most of Australia's social communications, the distinctive ways in which the media reproduce and reconstruct myths and symbols of violence from within the culture, and how audiences use and respond to media myths and symbols.

Even the partial democracy used in New York and D.C. is itself an exception, as judges — not the people or their elected legislators — have been the primary instruments of policy change in this social revolution which now has touched nineteen states.

To start with, one must wonder why these two issues» both of which ought to place politically liberal evangelicals in significant conflict with the Democratic party's social platform» are presented as «controversial» matters about which faithful Christians may disagree, while issues like foreign policy, environmentalism, and economics are presented as simple matters of justice.

Piety is further structured by the policy it adopts regarding its relation to its host society: Will piety «resist the social and cultural patterns of its civilizational environment» or will it «recognize structures in the social and cultural environment with which it can work...?»

We encourage you to review the privacy policies and settings on the social media services with which you interact to make sure you understand the information that may be collected, used, and shared by those social media services.

As part of our commitment to responsible marketing, we comply with the social responsibility policies established by DISCUS — the Distilled Spirits Council for the United States and spiritsEUROPE — the European representative body for producers of spirit drinks, which set out the principles we maintain in all of our sales and marketing activities, including advertising and promotional programmes.

Lynch resigned her position after being called out for the posts, and the district says it does not have a social media policy, but it does have standards of professional conduct, with which Lynch's posts were not in accord.

But the modern, and dominant, view of developmental scientists like Steinberg is that the degree to which parents can successfully parent their children is highly dependent on how well their social environment — education, policy, media, culture, the economy — align to support children's development.