Sentences with phrase «social power relations»

To put it bluntly, the notion of consent is arguably meaningless by itself as the arbiter of legitimate sexual and marital relationships because of the potential for manipulation, coercion, and abuse in a situation where there are deep - rooted and unequal social power relations (e.g., the President of the United States [not] having sexual relations with a besotted young intern or, as here, a parent and an adult child contracting a marriage).

Not exact matches

This is at the point of the concrete social meaning of the cross in its relation to enmity and power.

This can not possibly be wholly coerced by any one term of the social relation, hence not even by the maximal «possible» power.

Drawing on the existential theology and social philosophy of Martin Buber, I wrote in my thesis that God is our «power in relation» and that justice, the actualization of love among us, is the making of right, or mutual, relation.

The history of the church is marked by interminable hours of silence, while the clamour of the persecuted, the imprisoned and marginalised was silenced, and the churches preferred to stick to the conventions, maintain good relations with the powers, not lose their social standing.

Literature itself (no less than religion) is, in this view, an ideology, with the most intimate relations to social power.

While these latter are important, we must probe more deeply for environment, functions, and context, and, most important of all, for human relation that define social roles and tell us who has power, who is aggressor, and who is victim.

Instead, we deal with individual sins that either remain in the private realm, or if projected into the wider social realm fail to deal with the collective power of sin and its relation to individuals.

On the contrary, love as a principle of social ethics implies that distribution and organization of power which can offer the foundation for free and constructive human relations.

This sphere of freedom is threatened and secretly determined by anonymous powers determining public opinion without being controlled themselves, which produce mass psychoses, direct consumption and the ever more intricate relations of social life.

The importance of the power problem for Christian ethics derives both from the fact that power, whether economic, political, military, or spiritual, means capacity to determine life for good or ill, and from the fact that some fundamental redistribution of power is necessary as a condition of the freedom and dignity of men in their social relations.

The reality of power is complex; and its use and misuse in all human, social and political relations and interactions has been a question of utmost importance for all peoples.

This violent process is permeating the relations among international and political powers, social classes and cultural groups, national and ethic groups, and caste and religious communities, making it making it very hard to bring about peaceful resolution of conflicts and disputes among the struggling parties, and eroding the foundations of peaceful life.

But if, on the other hand, we refuse to regard human socialization as anything more than a chance arrangement, a modus vivendi lacking all power of internal growth, then (excepting, at the most, a few elementary rules safeguarding the living - space of the individual) we find the whole structure of politico - economico - social relations reduced to an arbitrary system of conventional and temporary expedients.

But the other elements of community organizing would come together again and again: the foot - slogging, one - on - one recruitment effort to form an organization of organizations, the struggle to get past ethnic differences, the taking of the public stage, the sequence of conflict - organization - power as the route to negotiation, and the critical relationship to other social movements — which became a guarded relation to the civil rights movement.

In addition, regional planning would allow the coordinated development of natural resources, water power, agriculture, and industry, in relation to social and economic factors; for example, a TVA - type program has been proposed for the Middle East.

Modernity is represented by three forces - first, the revolution in the relation of humanity to nature, signified by science and technology; second, the revolutionary changes in the concept of justice in the social relations between fellow human beings indicated by the self - awakening of all oppressed and suppressed humans to their fundamental human rights of personhood and peoplehood, especially to the values of liberty and equality of participation in power and society; thirdly, the break - up of the traditional integration of state and society with religion, in response to religious pluralism on the one hand and the affirmation of the autonomy of the secular realm from the control of religion on the other».

But — and this is a huge qualifier — if that message of justification by God's undeserved love is preached apart from an unmasking of the actual power relations which have aggravated these feelings to the level of a social neurosis; if people are released from the rat race of upward mobility only privatistically, with no critique of the economic and social ideology that stimulates such desperate cravings; if people are liberated from a bad sense of themselves without any sense of mission to change the conditions that waste human beings in such a way, then justification by faith becomes a mystification of the actual power relations, and the Christian gospel is indeed the opiate of the masses.

That is to say, all realistic social morality requires keeping the relation between power, law and love in tension, till the sources of human self - alienation are overcome and loving relation which has spontaneity as its character is possible.

It is interesting how clearly the prophets saw the relation to each other of power, pride, and injustice; and how unfailingly they combined their strictures against the religious sin of pride and the social sin of injustice.

Use and misuse of the power in all human, social and political relations and interactions has been the question of utmost importance.

It is equally evident that the treatment of these topics could not proceed without some critical scrutiny both of the social facts and of the past and present behavior of the church in relation to those facts as well as of the secular powers in relation to the church.

It is easy, of course, once a conceptual dualism of this kind has been established, to argue that culture can not be understood sociologically unless it is «explained» in terms of social structure — unless the «sources» or «causes» of religious beliefs are located within such obdurate features of the social world as class interests, power relations, social networks, family backgrounds, and the like.

This ontological turn has opened up space for new ways of thinking about democracy, but in my view it has some troubling entailments too — it culminates in the effective detachment of political dynamics from social relations of power and results in the unvindicated privileging of the former over the latter.

Social democrats seem happy to accept inequalities of power in relation to citizen and state, to the extent to which they believe they are necessary to provide welfare services.

But now, there appears to be a new emerging thinking on the left that is now beginning to challenge inequalities of power in relation to the citizen and welfare state, which were once believed to be inevitable by social democrats.

In view of this ubiquity of the struggle for power in all social relations and on all levels of social organization, is it surprising that nation state politics is of necessity power politics»

The medical establishment has effected a political rather than a scientific closure on the debate, which reflects the extent to which the production, distribution and reception of medical knowledge and, indeed, scientific knowledge in general, are inextricably linked to power, both within the medical profession itself and in its relations with other social and economic groups.

Institute of Electrical and Electronic Engineers National Academy of Engineering NAS, Government - University - Industry Research Roundtable NAS, Committee on International Relations NAS, Committee on Scholarly Communication with the People's Republic of China NAS, Committee on Science and Public Policy (COSPUP) National Academy of Science, National Research Council National Association of State Universities and Land - Grant Colleges (NASULGC) National Commission on Libraries and Information Science National Conference on the Advancement of Research (NCAR), Les Cook National Council of University Research Administrators National Engineering Action Council (NEAC) National Science Teachers Association National Society of Professional Engineers Science and Technology Political Action Committee Sigma Xi, The Scientific Research Society of North America, 1977 - 1979 Sigma Xi Parapsychological Association Phi Theta Kappa Power Engineering Society Social Science Research Council Society for Industrial and Applied Mathematics (SIAM) Society for Applied International Development State Academies of Science Union of Concerned Scientists United Community Centers, Brooklyn, New York

In the Psychology Department at Princeton University, our research examines issues of social power and intergroup relations.

It had not occurred to me that such a exploration of the «integral society» was important — or even significant — or that it was necessary to fathom the means and ways that I was situated in the larger social order, immersed in an internally differentiated yet dialectically unified nation state called Canada, living in the fringes of a civil society consisting of an ensemble of practices and relations of power dialectically interpellated by and integrated within the state.

For example, if I believe that human societies are inherently amoral, unjust, and governed by powerful elites who rig the economic, political, and educational game in their favor, then I might endorse the late Brazilian social activist Paulo Freire's «pedagogy of the oppressed,» wherein students are taught to view social relations in terms of power and domination.

HG: What this questions registers is how do power, politics and knowledge connect in creating the conditions for the production of knowledge, values, subjectivities, and social relations in both the school and the classroom.

Attendees will learn how to harness the power of digital tools and social media accessible today to improve communications, enhance public relations, establish a brand presence, increase student engagement, discover opportunity, and grow professionally like never before.

Giroux caricatures the traditional classroom as one where «students sit in rows staring at the back of each others» heads and at the teacher who faces them in symbolic, authoritarian fashion»; «events are governed by a rigid time schedule imposed by a system of bells and reinforced by cues from teachers»; we «glorify the teacher as the expert [and] dispenser of knowledge»; «social relationships... are based upon power relations inextricably linked to the teacher's allotment of grades»; and tracking «alienates students from schooling.»

After providing the political and cultural contexts for the rise of the testing accountability movement in the 1960s that culminated almost forty years later in No Child Left Behind and Race to the Top, this book then moves on to provide a policy history and social policy analysis of value - added testing in Tennessee that is framed around questions of power relations, winners, and losers.

Themes include coming - of - age, Third World development, social class, and power relations.

«Controlled Fantasy» asks questions by wandering between rituals, social dress codes, power relations, borderline experiences and popular culture issues.

Her internationally produced and exhibited work typically involves interactions with a group or community that result in performances, films, videos, audio recordings and books, and involve sometimes provocative reflections of social, political, institutional and aesthetic power relations.

Join us for all or part of a one day symposium inviting leading affect theorists from a variety of fields to comment on the problems of affect and the future of the humanities as institutions question power, creativity and social relations.

Isabelle Grobler explores absurdities inherent in the manifestation of power and authority in social and economic relations.

By utilizing methods of antagonism and instigation, they examine the terrain of specific cultural, social and political situations, as well as power relations between the artists, their subjects, and viewers.

Their work address issues of collective identity and relations of power in social structures focusing on the absorption of underground tactics of resistance.

Performance as conceptual art also features heavily in this exhibition with a particular focus on the investigation of social relations of power, gender, stereotype and history.

His works span across different media, including performance, installation and video, and «unveil upside - down and sometimes absurd situations from specific social contexts, questioning the contradictions and power relations in today's society.»

Her practice investigates power relations, popular culture and gender politics, juxtaposing the rhythmic structuring of sound as a tactile material within the social construction of esoteric ideology.

The exhibition continues Wallace's exploration of how power shapes our knowledge of the body and social relations.

It's far more complicated than that, and it has to do with the kindness and cruelties of social relations combined with the power and rigor of our work.

A Los Angeles based artist who grew up in the city's South Central neighborhood, Villalobos combines references of high and low culture to interrogate issues of American social structures, power relations, capitalism, and identity.

Within this, autobiography functions as a point of departure for thinking through the patriarchal power structures underpinning both the visual experiences and social relations performed by Papadopoulos» characters.