Sentences with phrase «social rights such»

Not exact matches

At this point, most grandparents have learned to use such marvels of the modern world as laptops, smartphones and even social media, right?

Social movements have promoted the «right to the city» to denounce urban processes that generate injustices, such as gentrification, privatisation of public spaces, forced evictions and the mistreatment of urban refugees.

While commiserating about a legitimate issue may be well within employee rights, lawyers for Triple Play counter that such expression holds amplifying ramifications in the realm of social media, where personal matters are frequently broadcast to widespread masses.

Such social mores, she says, represent a «massive impediment in the development of women's rights... and completely [hold] back the strength and position of Russian women in society.»

On the social front, companies are looking to uphold human rights in their supply chains, combating such horrors as human trafficking and child labor.

(Incidentally, the UK's data protection watchdog is conducting just such an audit of Cambridge Analytica right now, after obtaining a warrant to enter its London offices last month — as part of an ongoing, year - long investigation into social media data being used for political ad targeting.)

If Kenney doesn't follow the lead of Brown, his fellow social conservative caucus colleague, it likely signals one of two things: he does want the support of voters for whom parental rights regarding their pre-adolescents and teens are a big issue; or that he's calculated that a softening of his image would show weakness and isn't worth it, because his party has such a comfortable edge over Notley that he can afford to lose voters wary of anything resembling social conservatism.

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We then must not just promote care work but also accord these workers decent wages, legal protection, and basic social security rights such as health care, pension, and employment insurance.

And I want to warn you this is such a prominent scam right now, with people gathering information that you have posted willingly on social media.»

Zakaria wasn't suggesting ceding Western values and beliefs — but rather recognizing that prevailing attitudes on such issues as the environment, human rights, and social affairs are different in many parts of Asia than those that hold sway in the West.

Well, they're right because he's nothing but a cheap Fiverr actor who has also appeared on other scams such as 10 Days Social Profit.

The organization... [will] make the argument that... the federal courts... are the final authority on issues important to progressives such as immigration, abortion, gay rights, social policy, the environment and corporate power, to name a few.

Explaining to its shareholders how it is addressing strategic risks linked to major environmental and social policy issues, such as climate change and human rights, is an important dialogue every corporation needs to engage in with its shareholders.

An income annuity may be the right choice for you if you have a need for guaranteed lifetime income; you know your retirement expenses won't be covered by other income sources, such as Social Security; and you have assets outside of the annuity to cover unexpected expenses.

According to the Kerner Commission's analysis, racist white America was similarly bereft of moral resources, such that government, rather than the institutions of civil society that had been so central to the classic civil - rights movement, had to become the principal agent of enforced social change in order to deal with the crisis of an America «moving toward two societies... separate and unequal.»

Wary of the dangers that radical subjectivism and moral fanaticism pose for social solidarity and cultural coexistence, he urges us to practice humility, civility, and humor in our political dealings while holding fast to core principles such as individual freedom and human rights.

Among them are the rights to: bullet joint parenting; bullet joint adoption; bullet joint foster care, custody, and visitation (including non-biological parents); bullet status as next - of - kin for hospital visits and medical decisions where one partner is too ill to be competent; bullet joint insurance policies for home, auto and health; bullet dissolution and divorce protections such as community property and child support; bullet immigration and residency for partners from other countries; bullet inheritance automatically in the absence of a will; bullet joint leases with automatic renewal rights in the event one partner dies or leaves the house or apartment; bullet inheritance of jointly - owned real and personal property through the right of survivorship (which avoids the time and expense and taxes in probate); bullet benefits such as annuities, pension plans, Social Security, and Medicare; bullet spousal exemptions to property tax increases upon the death of one partner who is a co-owner of the home; bullet veterans» discounts on medical care, education, and home loans; joint filing of tax returns; bullet joint filing of customs claims when traveling; bullet wrongful death benefits for a surviving partner and children; bullet bereavement or sick leave to care for a partner or child; bullet decision - making power with respect to whether a deceased partner will be cremated or not and where to bury him or her; bullet crime victims» recovery benefits; bullet loss of consortium tort benefits; bullet domestic violence protection orders; bullet judicial protections and evidentiary immunity; bullet and more...

One of the most poignant experiences for young people growing up in our society is to espouse some cause such as civil rights or world peace — a cause they learned to love in their home or church — and then find that their parents are opposed to overt action on behalf of social justice.

Seligman considers whether, in a time of atomized anomie, new social movements such as feminism or gay rights might provide an incipient civil society for their adherents.

In my judgment, the «Social Principles» of the United Methodists, the «Statement on Economic Justice» of the Lutheran Church in America, the «Statement on Human Rights» of the United Church of Christ, and the World Council of Churches» themes of «Justice, Sustainability and Participation» are models of such efforts.

Yet such rights, such a «social citizenship,» have never been conceded in the U.S..

human beings, «born free and equal in dignity and rights,» are entitled to human rights «without distinction of any kind, such as race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.

We can also say, then, that all human individuals always have the rights that define them as potential participants in moral discourse, one of which is the right to be or become an actual participant in such discourse, and these universal rights articulate a universal social practice.

But, if they try and effect social policy, such as denying gays their rights based on their primitive superst.ition, then they, likewise, must be reigned in.

The principle constituting this universal social practice is itself meta - ethical, in the following sense: the social action prescribed is explicitly neutral to all moral disagreement.4 On the face of it, one might object, a prescription of universal rights can not be explicitly neutral to all such disagreement because it is not explicitly neutral to disagreement about the principle itself.

Thus the particular historical exigencies and social possibilities in our own age will necessarily affect the ways in which these values are translated into norms on such issues as women's rights, sexual ethics, social justice, property rights, energy policy or ecological concerns.

As for the «narrow public witness» against which John Murdock rightly cautions, I really don't think «prioritizing» equals «ignoring,» such that to prioritize the defense of religious freedom and the right to life excludes other issues from the Church's social witness and public policy advocacy.

It is, of course, governed by democratic laws (including federal Civil Rights laws), just as are the private clubs like those remaining in Philadelphia, Augusta, etc., or those set up by college students — sororities, fraternities, or the sort of club in the SOCIAL NETWORK which provokes such envious emotions in Mark Zuckerberg.

- cutting subsidies for social services such as education and health, transportation and even water and irrigation reduction of rights of workers, easier termination of services, with harmful impact on gender, race and ethnic relations

Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms of this Declaration without distinction of any kind such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status».

Spelled out in a lengthy lead editorial entitled «Evangelicals in the Social Struggle,» as well as in books such as Aspects of Christian Social Ethics, Henry's understanding of Christian social responsibility stressed (a) society's need for the spiritual regeneration of all men and women, (b) an interim social program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political sSocial Struggle,» as well as in books such as Aspects of Christian Social Ethics, Henry's understanding of Christian social responsibility stressed (a) society's need for the spiritual regeneration of all men and women, (b) an interim social program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political sSocial Ethics, Henry's understanding of Christian social responsibility stressed (a) society's need for the spiritual regeneration of all men and women, (b) an interim social program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political ssocial responsibility stressed (a) society's need for the spiritual regeneration of all men and women, (b) an interim social program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political ssocial program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political ssocial ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political ssocial arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political ssocial responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political system.

Nor has European Catholic social teaching shown much awareness of great social writings in Latin America, such as that of Bartolomé de Las Casas, the progenitor of human rights thinking in the Americas, predating Locke and the North Americans.

Would God say, «No, I am not going to listen to the prayers of such and such a group, because they wiped out nations in my name, because they build unjust social structures in my name, because they have gone to war in my name, because they don't call me by the «right» name, or simply because their doctrines do not quite correspond to who I am»?

True, it goes without saying that if a man can not in conscience accept the doctrine of the Church as the norm of his faith, this must be respected by others, whether they think his view right or not; and the Church, too, must respect such a conviction and may not suppress it by social pressures or prevent its expression.

If, as we have shown, the social phenomenon is not merely a blind determinism but the portent, the inception of a second phase of human Reflexion (this time not merely individual but collective), then it must mean that the phylum is reconstituting itself above our heads in a new form, a new ramification, no longer of divergence but of convergence; and consequently it is the Sense of Evolution which, suppressing the spirit of egoism, is of its own right springing to new life in our hearts, and in such a way as to counteract those elements in the forces of collectivization which are poisonous to Life.

In political and social thought, no Christian has ever written a more profound defense of the democratic idea and its component parts, such as the dignity of the person, the sharp distinction between society and the state, the role of practical wisdom, the common good, the transcendent anchoring of human rights, transcendent judgment upon societies, and the interplay of goodness and evil in human individuals and institutions.

In many respects, the New Deal was less about income redistribution than about the recognition of «group rights» benefitting these cultural challengers, a recognition embedded in such policies as the fostering of labor unions, public works programs, and social insurance.

Interestingly enough, social issues such as abortion and gay rights were not central to Mainline defections from Bush in 1992.

A clear example of this dependence of justice upon social power is the achievement of voting rights for such minority groups as Negroes.

Given such immense social pressure, and such emphatic calls - to - action, what right do my wife and I have to ignore this claim?

He insists that such compounds of lower - level entities as atoms, molecules, and cells must be recognized as having individual existence in their own right, whereas he finds Whitehead attributing to them only social unity.

History suggests that American Protestants, despite their recent preoccupations with virtue and tradition, are probably just resting between their periodic commitments to social transformation (joining such causes as temperance, abolition, the social gospel and civil rights).

Our recent social history has evolved in such a way, however, that obtaining equal rights for minorities is part of our combined morality.

History may be able to clarify Jesus» attitudes on social and political questions such as war and revolution, the rights of women and the poor.

When the «depressed classes «awaken to their rights and begin the struggle for social and economic equality, and when the members of the «aboriginal «tribes, who have been peacefully secluded for centuries from the main stream of Indian nationalism, join with others in demanding their rights, fundamentalist groups and the monied classes oppose such moves.

I'm glad people are talking about it, but social media and blogs offer such a vast range of opinions, if you're in the midst of a depressive episode (and I'm not right now, thankfully), it is just confusing.

The neglect of basic social and economic rights undermines such civil and political rights as freedom of expression and freedom of association.

But such beliefs about right and wrong made no sense in her atheistic worldview where morality, if it existed, was purely subjective — something that humans had evolved for social advantage.

Analyzing the impact of such programmes on the realization and enjoyment of selected economic, social and cultural rights.