Not exact matches
In the election
of an African - American president less than a half - century after the end
of official racial
segregation in much
of the country, these Americans see the triumph
of the values enshrined in the US Constitution over America's legacy
of social, political, and economic prejudice.
The
segregation of social conservatism as merely one alternative among several is itself is a bad sign.
This fact, with the resulting intermixtures
of good and evil, is clearly illustrated by differing attitudes toward racial
segregation in the North and South
of the United States, or the presence
of nontheological
social factors in the creation
of the various denominations
of the Christian Church.
He does not ignore political and economic developments, but he pays special attention to
social issues, including, as he says in his preface, «the transformation
of gender relations, the regeneration
of the home, the disciplining
of leisure and pleasure, and the establishment
of segregation.»
The plain truth is that white theologians, even those
of the
social gospel period, ignored the situation
of oppression suffered by blacks and made few and superficial connections between their theology and the egregious evils
of slavery and
segregation.
Segregation by color is a hold over
of the bigotry that characterized the
social norms
of american society.
The editors added: «A great deal
of what might be called the silent public opinion
of the south has already marked off
segregation as a doomed and dying
social arrangement.»
With the rapid development
of metropolitanism few American communities will escape the concomitant problems
of residential
segregation, deteriorating public schools, physical and
social planning, and a host
of other problems that will have to be solved by the people who move most decisively and swiftly.
In a general sense, one can speak
of four areas
of struggle: (i) the system
of economic exploitation and
social stratification (racial
segregation, women's working conditions, unemployment and the new legislation
of «flexibility and «deregulation); (ii) the ideology (the way
of representing the world,
social relations, etc.) that justifies the system — the new ideologies
of race superiority, the religious legitimation
of competition and the so - called free market as the only and sufficient way
of organizing human life (iii) the ways in which the consciousness
of the oppressed, is led to interject this ideology
of domination and to develop a feeling
of self - denial and self - devaluation; (iv) the atomization
of the society through the weakening and destruction
of neighborhood, workers and local cultural manifestations.
They expressed the conviction that «the silent public opinion
of the South has already marked off
segregation as a doomed and dying
social arrangement» (June 2, 1954).
«Collectively there's greater residential
segregation than 10 years ago,» says Hastings Donnan, a professor
of social anthropology at Queen's University Belfast.
«There has never been any evidence that structural change raises standards, but there is a wealth
of evidence to show that it can lead to
social segregation.
«There is, however, evidence that the Coalition Government's free schools programme could lead to
social segregation which will be to the detriment
of BME children and young people.
Critics
of the policy have argued affluent areas will be «cleansed»
of welfare claimants causing
social segregation and destitution in larger households.
Social science has a long tradition
of using computational and agent - based modelling approaches (e.g. Schelling's Model
of Segregation), but the new challenge is to feed real - life, and sometimes even real - time information into those systems to get gain rapid insights into the validity
of research hypotheses.
On the housing
segregation by income and class, I would much prefer to use analogies with the Parisian suburbs, gated communities, and (perhaps over-dramatically) the
social stratification
of Dickensian London, or (most accurately) the electoral gerrymandering
of Shirley Porter.
This leads to the
segregation of children by ethnicity,
social origin and first language.
«All
of the evidence confirms that «free schools» and academies widen educational inequality, lead to
social segregation and are the most expensive type
of school provision.
Even where schools do legally discriminate on religious grounds, this can lead to ethnic, socio - economic and religious
segregation of pupils in practice and create wider problems for
social cohesion and equality.
However, evidence from a range
of sources released in recent months has been overwhelming in its condemnation
of the move, revealing that removing the so - called 50 % cap on religious selection would not only lead to increased levels
of segregation in schools and communities, but also damage
social mobility and reduce the access
of parents to their local schools.
But those provide a way
of protecting against racism, even with measures like affirmative action or the fight against
segregation based in the fallout from racism (
social / cultural / geographical
segregation, for example).
«The Secretary
of State suggests that he wants free schools to be engines
of social mobility but in many cases the free schools announced so far will only fragment communities and lead to greater
social segregation and separation.
«What's more, the introduction
of free schools has led to increased
segregation where pupils from the same
social background increasingly concentrate in certain attractive free schools.
Real education reform would include broader
social reform that attacks poverty,
segregation, and under - resourcing
of schools in poor, segregated communities,» Hawkins said....
Social and religious
segregation is rising, aided in part by the current government's commitment to free schools — state - funded schools that are outside
of local authority control.
Hawkins has also said that many
of the problems with schools in disadvantaged communities are attributable to the broader
social problems
of poverty and
segregation.
Albeit on a small scale, free schools have increased
social segregation, even in the context
of the relatively egalitarian education system.
«The historic role
of third parties has been to force issues neglected by the major parties into public debate - issues like the abolition
of slavery, women's suffrage, the 8 - hour day,
Social Security, and ending
segregation.
Urban Renewal: Chicago, 1965 When cities
of the future were imagined in the 1920s and»30s, they did not include areas
of economic depression or racial and
social segregation.
«However, we also think that traditional measures
of childhood socioeconomic status may not accurately reflect the childhood
social environments
of African Americans, which is quite different from that
of U.S. whites because
of the history
of racial discrimination and
segregation.
When it comes to online dating,
segregation appears to be alive and well... The researchers expected to find homophily, a
social science term which means love
of the same, in their analysis but they were surprised that the...
While formal attempts like diversity awareness training in the workplace and in learning institutions like colleges have had only mixed results, bringing two families
of two or even more diverse culture through marriage may provide a more natural and effective way to end
social segregation.
The sharp
segregation of these groups from mainstream opportunity limits their chances for
social mobility and encourages prejudice against them.
Had his seminal work focused on both the administrative problems and the
social systems
of school, Coleman later wrote, «our knowledge
of how to overcome problems
of racial
segregation would be far more advanced than it is.»
Increasing the number
of faith schools could lead to «increased
social segregation, with a risk
of lower
social mobility», according to a new report.
Despite the challenges
of isolating the impact
of school desegregation on student achievement, a small but growing body
of research provides valuable evidence on the relationship between
segregation policies and students» academic and
social outcomes.
To begin, many legal historians and constitutional scholars seem to agree that the equal protection clause, as originally understood, did not prohibit
segregation, because integration — including integrated schools — involved a «
social» right, not a civil right, and therefore fell outside the ambit
of that clause.
The Casey Review found that
segregation and
social exclusion has reached «worrying levels» and makes a number
of recommendations for how to bridge divides between people and bind communities together.
Taking into account the fact that the average faith school admits fewer pupils from poor backgrounds than the average non faith school, the EPI concluded that increasing the numbers
of faith schools «would come at the price
of increased
social segregation».
Teske and Schneider caution policymakers, however, that a rising tide
of evidence suggests that school vouchers may lead to greater
social stratification and racial
segregation.
Segregation by
social class persisted, and black pupils were unofficially segregated in much
of the North and West and officially segregated in all
of the South.
She added: «The Secretary
of State suggests that he wants free schools to be engines
of social mobility but in many cases the free schools announced so far will only fragment communities and lead to greater
social segregation and separation.»
The report puts figures on a phenomenon we all know happens, but which has not been properly documented previously, one which contributes to the
social segregation and inequality
of our education system: the extent to which parents have moved house or used even more unorthodox methods, such as faking piety or accessing an accommodating address in a desirable catchment temporarily in order to cheat the system.
In particular, the ability to opt out by choosing an alternative to the public system — including private, parochial and, more recently, charter schools — can lead to the sorting and
segregation of children by
social groups.
«This means that the kind
of social segregation experienced by children in selective areas in England, and the damage to
social cohesion that ensues, is for no clear gain.
Because movement conservatives
of that time such as William F. Buckley Jr., and Barry Goldwater didn't view state - sanctioned racism as the great moral question that it was, because their fetish for preserving tradition led them to believe that the federal government didn't have the obligation to address
segregation, because
of their concerns about communism and the expansion
of federal government, and because they viewed the civil disobedience by activists such as Martin Luther King (as well as their push to force
social change) as an affront to the order they craved, they essentially gave succor to Jim Crow segregationists even if that wasn't their original intent.
Casey's review
of community cohesion and extremism, published last year, found that
segregation and
social exclusion were at «worrying levels» in some parts
of Britain.
These practices are: 1) inclusive education is not a separate initiative from general education, 2) students receiving special education services are general education students first, 3) decisions about student services are based on individual student needs, 4) the district must raise its expectations for students with disabilities and end their
social and physical
segregation, and 5) the success
of every student is the collective responsibility
of all district educators.
In the past, political coalitions
of influential leaders have placed responsibility on schools to solve national political,
social, and economic problems ranging from
segregation, to Cold War rivalry with the Soviet Union, to the United States» current economic struggle as it competes with global rivals.
While many
of the arguments against Mt. Laurel are easily dismissed, several articulate many
of the challenges that must be faced in tackling problems
of social stratification and
segregation.