Sentences with phrase «social than political»

These annual gatherings of the tribes are more social than political.

Not exact matches

In the election of an African - American president less than a half - century after the end of official racial segregation in much of the country, these Americans see the triumph of the values enshrined in the US Constitution over America's legacy of social, political, and economic prejudice.

The industry has stepped up its political contributions, snatched up some of Washington's finest consultants and lobbyists and just launched the first tech super PAC — or political action committee — led by none other than that hoodie - wearing, 28 - year old social media whiz Mark Zuckerberg.

In announcing the appointment, Mrs. Trump highlighted that Niceta Lloyd has more than two decades of experience in diplomatic, political and social entertaining in Washington.

«It might be in some ways that access to political office has been a little bit easier than navigating that corporate pipeline,» says Kim Parker, director of social trends research at Pew.

When he wasn't busy navigating world events, he was adding some panache to the Washington social scene, often appearing at political fetes with Jon Lovett, a former Obama speechwriter and a co-creator of «1600 Penn.» Still, despite his waggish social - media presence, he is guarded about his private life, suggesting a persona more carefully calibrated than he lets on.

WASHINGTON — Facebook on Sunday faced a backlash about how it protects user data, as American and British lawmakers demanded that it explain how a political data firm with links to President Trump's 2016 campaign was able to harvest private information from more than 50 million Facebook profiles without the social network's alerting users.

But she is also being acted on by forces — social, economic, cultural, political — larger than herself.

This, in our view, is a particularly dim - witted view of art, a view that denies art is about anything other than its political and social effect.

This is to say that morality is more important than politics as a keeper of social harmony, and that the quality of a population matters more than political or economic structures.

I am no expert in Vatican politics, but I know better than to close my eyes to the fact that there are those who do not share the insight that Weigel attributes to John Paul II and to Benedict» the insight that Nielsen herself embraces» «that all social issues, including political and economic questions, are ultimately questions of the nature of the human person.»

This moves on to discrimination — where Christians are given inferior legal, social, political and economic standing than the majority.

That's a lot easier than acknowledging the injustices done to the impoverished or challenging the social and political structures that KEEP them impoverished.

Imagine, then, the young courtier, deeply concerned with the social and political problems of his country, which is faced by a «demise of the crown» at a time of crisis in international affairs; concerned with these problems, but at a level deeper than that of ordinary political discussion.

More than half of the general public think using the word «extreme» isn't helpful in social and political discussion, according to a new study.

Pew reports that «in their social and political views, young adults are clearly more accepting than older Americans of homosexuality, more inclined to see evolution as the best explanation of human life and less prone to see Hollywood as threatening their moral values.

This broader understanding of what we seek to defend should make social conservatives both more and less political than we have tended to be: We should be more political in that we do more than occasionally resort to legal appeals to protect our own freedom of action.

For us, the social aspect is a determining element, more so than that, which would emerge from the political redefinition of the world.

These twin attributes enjoy a fundamental ascendancy over all other attributes of the political and social order, and consequently, the Legislature, the Executive and the Judiciary are more sensitive to them than to the other attributes of daily existence».

Furthermore, since its ultimate claim to existence is rooted more in the events of the past than in contemporary social problems, it has even a more conservative image than political and economic institutions.

While only about a third of American evangelical leaders said they currently experience persecution for their faith, more than twice as many believe they will experience persecution in the form of social, financial, and political pressure in the years ahead, according to an NAE survey conducted in October.

Recognizing that economic and political systems and cultural practices explain persistent poverty in LDCs, they might argue that personal conversion is a prelude to social reform, rather than the other way around.

It is just a bunch of books — not the writings of men wrestling with a god any more than other thinkers who never mention gods and also have political or social agendas.

I have family who would rather right off family members due to a political stand regarding moral social issues than to think for just a moment that the Christian God I believe in is similar to the Jesus depicted in the New Testament.

John Shea, a young theologian and author of three books, says that many fine thinkers of his generation prefer to «act out what they believe in social or political programs, or talk out their ideas in conferences and workshops, rather than write them out.»

Hence, the principle of religious freedom also implies that constitutional stipulations should do nothing more than institutionalize the formative principle of communicative respect; they can not properly require of any citizen as a political participant explicit adherence to any substantive prescription for social action.

Then the social - ethical task of the church would not be simply to develop strategies within the current political options — though it may certainly include that — but rather to stand as an alternative society that manifests in its own social and political life the way in which a people form themselves when truth and charity rather than survival are their first order of business.

They're satisfied enough with their present existence that they have no ambition to make history; they can't even imagine a social or political world better than the one they inhabit.

This insecurity is economic, political, and social; and in a deeper sense than any of these — though related to all of them — it is psychological.

In our contemporary context, I would suggest, church reform is less urgent than the reform of political, social, and economic systems of domination, today exacerbated greatly by the phenomenon of economic globalization.

Similarly, there are no means other than denominational journals, most of which have limited distribution, through which a consensus may be developed with respect to important moral, religious, social, political and economic questions.

Rorty feels that philosophy should not be thought of as a foundation for education or politics; on the contrary, he insists that grounding social and political action on philosophical theories of human nature has done more harm than good.

This social spontaneity is continually threatened and diminished by the fact that the political principle is always stronger in relation to the social principle than the given conditions require.

It is at the social level rather than the political or the cultural that America remains divided into largely self - sufficient ethnic groups.

In our reach for cultural respectability and power, we oldline Protestants have acquiesced in the golden - calf vision of Christendom, becoming warp and woof of the reigning political and social fabric rather than becoming weavers of a new kingdom community.

That people were essentially a problem, even a pollutant, rather than a resource; that social, political, economic, and ecological catastrophe was right around the corner, unless drastic steps were taken to stabilize and then reverse world population trends - these were the themes, familiar to even the most casual student of the American anti-natalist lobby, that set the agenda for Budapest and Mexico City.

But he never asks what social, economic, political and ideological forces were at work in the creation of the modern scientific world view, any more than he looks at the role of those forces in the eighteenth century celebration of it, the romantic reaction against it, or the nineteenth and twentieth century codification of positive science.

And as soon as identity is understood as sexual rather than social, oppression becomes a psychological category, truth can be supplanted by taste, and political power becomes to a large extent the ability to manipulate aesthetics.

Even scholars of Christian history often conclude that political and social conflicts really have been more important than doctrinal debates.

This vision addresses political life more generally and more thoroughly than the narrow economic scope usually claimed for Catholic Social Teaching.

The breakdown of the Egyptian empire and the circumstances contributory to the capture of Babylon by Cyrus, besides hosts of incidents from those days to the present, show that organized religion, strange as it appears, can be no less an obstacle to social and political advance than the reactionary policies of vested political or economic interests.

Charles Elliott in Prayering the Kingdom, Towards a Political Spirituality (New York: Paulist Press, 1985) also links the gospel with the coming of the Kingdom and argues for an approach to the social needs of the world that emphasizes grace rather than guilt and powerlessness.

It is not the question whether our social and political life is now what it ought to be; nor even whether it is better than other social orders have been.

• Chapter II: «Respect and love ought to be extended also to those who think or act differently than we do in social, political and even religious matters... it is necessary to distinguish between error, which always merits repudiation, and the person in error» (28).

Until the rise of liberation theologies, theology was more concerned with having intellectual respectability in the Academy than with forging an alliance with the oppressed or particular political or social attitudes and practices.

My Facebook feed is constantly filled with links to the daily outrages — political, social, and religious — that preoccupy my friends, so it's not as if I need a ninety minute expose on Internet pornography to make me feel like the world around me is a darker, uglier place than the one I grew up in.

By the end of the Assembly, as Kenneth Slack pointed out, «most of the members felt that there was more danger from undue stress on the evangelism of individuals than the other way round, despite widely expressed anxiety, given expression by Stott, that liberation in political, social and economic sense was in danger of replacing salvation from sin at the heart of the redeeming gospel».73 There was no doubt that, despite the narrowing of the range of disagreements, important differences continued, especially with regard to the meaning of salvation and the program of dialogue with people of other faiths.

The Holy Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church has felt sometimes the WCC has not placed its thinking on the social content of salvation solidly within the perspective of the ultimate goal of salvation... the eternal life in God, «with the result that appropriation of eternal life is made to depend on social conditions rather than social conditions on the appropriation of eternal life»; and the Ecumenical Patriarchate has warned us that in «turning towards the anguish of the man today», the WCC must not forget the basic truth that man sees himself as hungering for an answer to a basic question over and beyond his acute interest in the most vital socio - political problems of the day.»

People who fear social, political, and technological change more than anything would literally rather be dead than go through it.

If there is a revelation of mystery it could not give us absolutely clear solutions to specific ethical, political and social problems, any more than we can expect it to solve scientific problems.