Sentences with phrase «social theory as»

First, it would seem to need to use some body of critical social theory as a tool to help unmask and analyze unjust distributions of power; and second, it would seem to need rigorous and critical reflection, such as is found in the second position, to examine what it means to say that we experience God in experiences of personal relationship and indeed how that could be possible.

In India, theology, ethics and social theory as critical sciences are not widely developed, and topics treated by these fields appear in local communities primarily as confessional commentary, caste practice or expressions of communal interests.

Not exact matches

As a small business owner, adopting corporate social responsibility theories can help you thrive right out of the gate.

But the most common theory is that as Facebook has been trying to keep users in its ecosystem, it's encouraged publishers to upload their articles and videos directly to the social network, whether it's video or its Instant Articles feature that began rolling out in May.

As noted, the theory behind social extensions and the convergence of Google + and AdWords is that recommendations from friends (social proof) increases both clicks and conversion rate.

Yet, thinkers from Edmund Burke to Russell Kirk have shown the deeply anti-conservative bases of the social contract theory of Lockean (and Hobbesian) origin, one that is premised upon a conception of human beings as naturally «free and independent,» as autonomous individuals who are thought to exist by nature detached from a web of relationships that include family, community, Church, region, and so on.

This program gives Wilson many opponents: anti-functionalists among theorists and historians of religion (it's no accident that among theorists of religion Wilson chooses arch-functionalist Émile Durkheim as his hero); evolutionary theorists who don't think that such theory is usefully applicable to social groups; those who think it is applicable to social groups, but conclude that religious groups are maladaptive; and theological realists, who think the whole enterprise vitiated by its procedural naturalism.

Castigating a «popular piety» such as associated with liberalism in its political and social rhetoric, she says that we «mark our gain in sensibility and our loss of vision,» in that having lost faith, «we govern by tenderness,» a tenderness «wrapped in theory.»

But before attempting an answer, I should say that I understand «ideology» pejoratively as «the integrated assertions, theories and aims constituting a politico - social program,... with an implication of factitious propagandizing...» (Webster's New Collegiate Dictionary).

Indeed, in a day when behaviorism as a psychological theory and coercive collectivism as a social ideal are popular, it may be salutary to recall that, far from being modern, both behaviorism and collectivism were primitive.

His major book, Theology and Social Theory (1990), interprets the implicit and explicit theory of the secular social sciences as concealed, heretical theSocial Theory (1990), interprets the implicit and explicit theory of the secular social sciences as concealed, heretical theTheory (1990), interprets the implicit and explicit theory of the secular social sciences as concealed, heretical thetheory of the secular social sciences as concealed, heretical thesocial sciences as concealed, heretical theology.

The utilitarian interpretation stands, above all, under the archetype of the social contract and is consonant with the modern theory of natural rights as derived from John Locke.

Allow this center in a man to remain dulled by the crowd; allow it to continue dissipated by busyness; permit it to go on evading its function by a round of distractions, or to lull itself by a carefully chosen rotation of pleasures; abandon it to its attempt to drug, to narcotize suffering and remorse which might reveal to it its true condition; let it wither away the sense of its own validity by false theories of man's nature, of his place in the social pattern, of his way of salvation; in short, allow any of these well - known forms of domestication of man's responsible core as an individual, to continue unchallenged, and you as a thinker and a friend of men have committed the supreme treason!

Accordingly, the remainder of this essay will proceed as follows: I will first seek to show that the meta - ethical character of every claim to moral validity includes a principle of social action by which a universal community of rights is constituted, so that no moral theory can be valid if it is inconsistent with these rights.

Acknowledged in the preface, the British theologian and author of the influential Theology and Social Theory (1993) is recognizable in such Milbankian phrasings as «non-identical repetitions» and in the author's mention of Soren Kierkegaard.

Focusing on schizophrenia as a particular exemplar of this change, Luhrmann examines the evolution of psychiatry from psychoanalysis (mental illnesses are caused by emotional conflict) to a purely biomedical scheme (mental illnesses are caused by genes) to present theories, which incorporate both the biological and the social causes (and treatments) of mental illness.

It is worth making an effort to stock one's bookshelves and learn some of the prominent psychological and social theories about LGBT people — not to become a therapist, but as a way of increasing one's awareness of the inner world of LGBT people.

Indeed, a «sociological imagination» is slowly transforming all theologies — sometimes with unsettling and explicit power, as in the use of critical social theories in political and liberation theologies; sometimes with more implicit but no less unsettling effect, as in the increasing use of sociology of knowledge to clarify the actual social settings (or publics) of different theologies.

No matter how sophisticated, or at least complicated, theories of social contract may be, they are as thoroughly made up as nursery tales.

A professor of psychology and social theory at Swarthmore College, Schwartz applies Simon's ideas to the human psyche, with happiness replacing profitability as the desired outcome.

Lentricchia, whose earlier work earned him the epithet «the Dirty Harry of literary theory, is the author of Criticism and Social Change (1983), which urges us to regard all literature as «the most devious of rhetorical discourses (writing with political designs upon us all), either in opposition to or in complicity with the power in place.»

Sidney Hook captures this sense of the vulnerability of the human condition when he defines pragmatism as «the theory and practice of enlarging human freedom in a precarious and tragic world by the arts of intelligent social control it may not be [a] lost [cause] if we can summon the courage and intelligence to support our faith in freedom...» (CAP 193).

He has challenged most of the prominent modern theories of religion, including Marxism (religion is a mask for class consciousness), functionalism (religion serves as a moral restraint or social glue) and psychological reductionism (religion is a form of infantile wish fulfillment).

Originally derived from economics, rational choice theory is now used across the social sciences to explain human behavior as a self - interested, choice - making affair.

Rorty feels that philosophy should not be thought of as a foundation for education or politics; on the contrary, he insists that grounding social and political action on philosophical theories of human nature has done more harm than good.

Because all people do not respond to the preaching of the gospel and its concomitant call to discipleship, however, the gospel itself demands that Christians both encourage society to» «make serious and positive use of the social theories» of Jesus Christ and the Scriptures,» and help society to heal social injustices by loving our neighbors as ourselves.21 Toward this end, the church must first of all proclaim to the world the Bible's perfect rule not only for faith but also for practice.

Spelled out in a lengthy lead editorial entitled «Evangelicals in the Social Struggle,» as well as in books such as Aspects of Christian Social Ethics, Henry's understanding of Christian social responsibility stressed (a) society's need for the spiritual regeneration of all men and women, (b) an interim social program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political sSocial Struggle,» as well as in books such as Aspects of Christian Social Ethics, Henry's understanding of Christian social responsibility stressed (a) society's need for the spiritual regeneration of all men and women, (b) an interim social program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political sSocial Ethics, Henry's understanding of Christian social responsibility stressed (a) society's need for the spiritual regeneration of all men and women, (b) an interim social program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political ssocial responsibility stressed (a) society's need for the spiritual regeneration of all men and women, (b) an interim social program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political ssocial program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political ssocial ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political ssocial arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political ssocial responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political system.

World - system theory has emerged over the past fifteen years as leading contender with modernization theory.6 As the name suggests, world - system theory emphasizes the larger set of social, economic, and political relations that link societies togetheas leading contender with modernization theory.6 As the name suggests, world - system theory emphasizes the larger set of social, economic, and political relations that link societies togetheAs the name suggests, world - system theory emphasizes the larger set of social, economic, and political relations that link societies together.

Little is being done at Nanjing Seminary to teach such favorite American subjects as psychology or psychotherapy, but much is being done to expose students to sociology, social theory and social - science methodology.

What Whitehead offers to effect this particular translation of cosmology and sociology is the reintroduction of a theory of «social custom» to serve as the founding principle of order in human society.

Aristotle provided MacIntyre with an account of why our actions require a conception of an end as well as the social and political conditions necessary to sustain a life formed by the virtues constitutive of that end that is simply lacking in modern moral practice and theory.

«If a proposed action is perceived as contrary to middle - class interests, even some persons who favor «social action» in theory will begin to oppose that particular action.

As so - called «rational choice theory,» it has invaded all the social sciences — especially political science and sociology.

But the theist may reply that the social nature of men in so far as it is a fact, can be exploited by all theories.

Vast swaths of political theory stemming from the Enlightenment speak of human beings as pre «social monads whose sociality stems from a subsequent decision to join a group from a prior isolation.

This notion, as everyone knows, is called the theory of «the social contract.»

There is a determined attempt to impose gender theories in many countries — with attempts to change language or to castigate parents for bringing up children as male or female, as if the structures of language and grammar bore no necessary relation to human biology and were just a social construct of a patriarchal or «straight» society — and forgetting that «non-binary» language is itself a construct and an attempt to ideologically cleanse language to suit a particular theory.

The former view, one that accepts the social contract theory, leads to a hyper «individualism that, on the liberal side, fetishizes free speech and subscribes to a «do your own thing» morality, and, on the conservative side, is reflected in libertarian economics, as in Margaret Thatcher's famous (or notorious?)

Factors in the struggle of a people to exist as a corporate body are set forth in the four - function paradigm of Talcott Parsons.10 Although the adequacy of his analysis is challenged by other theories, especially those focused upon social change, 11 Parsons's model provides a useful delineation of the actions implicated in a group's toil to perpetuate itself.

But one thing is certain, and it appears to me that its recognition in theory, and acceptance in practice, must be the sine qua non of any valid discussion and effective action affecting the political, economic and moral ordering of the present world: this is that nothing, absolutely nothing — we may as well make up our minds to it — can arrest the progress of social Man towards ever greater interdependence and cohesion.

To use the technical terms of Marxist theory, the struggle for economic power functions as the base of social reality, while literature and poetry, music, and the arts are part of the «superstructure» that is determined by the base.

Sociological as well as Marxist theory would suggest that an Other - worldly orientation would appeal most to those who feel powerless, to those who feel that they have no influence over political and social events.

The Moral Sense is what Adam Smith would have written instead of The Theory of Moral Sentiments if he was as good a social scientist as James Q. Wilson.

This leaves liberation theology's social theory in embarrassingly threadbare condition, and as sympathizer Phillip Berryman has conceded concerning the liberationists, «If their social theory is fundamentally wrong, their whole enterprise is in jeopardy.»

At the same time, he raised an alarm against what he regarded as the tendency in social democratic theory to weaken individual freedom in the name of other social goods.

Political theory needs to deal as much or more with the question of the type of social change that is itself healthy as with the question of the goal that is being sought through such changes or the principles to which one supposes changes should conform.

On October 31, 1958, Isaiah Berlin gave his inaugural lecture as Chichele Professor of Social and Political Theory at Oxford.

This is epitomized in Marx's statement: «Capital is... not a personal, it is a social power».5 As presented in the Manifesto of the Communist Party, the Marxian theory of history runs exclusively in abstract social and economic categories.

One wonders whether, in the future, when we shall know so much more about what literature says and how it hangs together than we now do, we shall come to see literary myth as a similarly constructive principle in the social or qualitative sciences, giving shape and coherence to psychology, anthropology, theology, history and political theory without losing in any one of them its own autonomy of hypothesis.»

Hence it deals with the theory of preaching, of Christian education, of social action and of worship as well as with the theory of divine and human nature, of God's activity and man's behavior.