Still, Samuels acknowledged he accepted the outcome of the con con vote, insisting it would have been as wide a margin as it was, even without the heavy
spending by labor unions to sink it.
Not exact matches
Important factors that could cause actual results to differ materially from those reflected in such forward - looking statements and that should be considered in evaluating our outlook include, but are not limited to, the following: 1) our ability to continue to grow our business and execute our growth strategy, including the timing, execution, and profitability of new and maturing programs; 2) our ability to perform our obligations under our new and maturing commercial, business aircraft, and military development programs, and the related recurring production; 3) our ability to accurately estimate and manage performance, cost, and revenue under our contracts, including our ability to achieve certain cost reductions with respect to the B787 program; 4) margin pressures and the potential for additional forward losses on new and maturing programs; 5) our ability to accommodate, and the cost of accommodating, announced increases in the build rates of certain aircraft; 6) the effect on aircraft demand and build rates of changing customer preferences for business aircraft, including the effect of global economic conditions on the business aircraft market and expanding conflicts or political unrest in the Middle East or Asia; 7) customer cancellations or deferrals as a result of global economic uncertainty or otherwise; 8) the effect of economic conditions in the industries and markets in which we operate in the U.S. and globally and any changes therein, including fluctuations in foreign currency exchange rates; 9) the success and timely execution of key milestones such as the receipt of necessary regulatory approvals, including our ability to obtain in a timely fashion any required regulatory or other third party approvals for the consummation of our announced acquisition of Asco, and customer adherence to their announced schedules; 10) our ability to successfully negotiate, or re-negotiate, future pricing under our supply agreements with Boeing and our other customers; 11) our ability to enter into profitable supply arrangements with additional customers; 12) the ability of all parties to satisfy their performance requirements under existing supply contracts with our two major customers, Boeing and Airbus, and other customers, and the risk of nonpayment
by such customers; 13) any adverse impact on Boeing's and Airbus» production of aircraft resulting from cancellations, deferrals, or reduced orders
by their customers or from
labor disputes, domestic or international hostilities, or acts of terrorism; 14) any adverse impact on the demand for air travel or our operations from the outbreak of diseases or epidemic or pandemic outbreaks; 15) our ability to avoid or recover from cyber-based or other security attacks, information technology failures, or other disruptions; 16) returns on pension plan assets and the impact of future discount rate changes on pension obligations; 17) our ability to borrow additional funds or refinance debt, including our ability to obtain the debt to finance the purchase price for our announced acquisition of Asco on favorable terms or at all; 18) competition from commercial aerospace original equipment manufacturers and other aerostructures suppliers; 19) the effect of governmental laws, such as U.S. export control laws and U.S. and foreign anti-bribery laws such as the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act and the United Kingdom Bribery Act, and environmental laws and agency regulations, both in the U.S. and abroad; 20) the effect of changes in tax law, such as the effect of The Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (the «TCJA») that was enacted on December 22, 2017, and changes to the interpretations of or guidance related thereto, and the Company's ability to accurately calculate and estimate the effect of such changes; 21) any reduction in our credit ratings; 22) our dependence on our suppliers, as well as the cost and availability of raw materials and purchased components; 23) our ability to recruit and retain a critical mass of highly - skilled employees and our relationships with the
unions representing many of our employees; 24)
spending by the U.S. and other governments on defense; 25) the possibility that our cash flows and our credit facility may not be adequate for our additional capital needs or for payment of interest on, and principal of, our indebtedness; 26) our exposure under our revolving credit facility to higher interest payments should interest rates increase substantially; 27) the effectiveness of any interest rate hedging programs; 28) the effectiveness of our internal control over financial reporting; 29) the outcome or impact of ongoing or future litigation, claims, and regulatory actions; 30) exposure to potential product liability and warranty claims; 31) our ability to effectively assess, manage and integrate acquisitions that we pursue, including our ability to successfully integrate the Asco business and generate synergies and other cost savings; 32) our ability to consummate our announced acquisition of Asco in a timely matter while avoiding any unexpected costs, charges, expenses, adverse changes to business relationships and other business disruptions for ourselves and Asco as a result of the acquisition; 33) our ability to continue selling certain receivables through our supplier financing program; 34) the risks of doing business internationally, including fluctuations in foreign current exchange rates, impositions of tariffs or embargoes, compliance with foreign laws, and domestic and foreign government policies; and 35) our ability to complete the proposed accelerated stock repurchase plan, among other things.
The suit, which appears below, makes reference to the Citizens United case decided
by the US Supreme Court earlier this year that enabled corporations and
labor unions to
spend much more freely to influence elections.
The Working Families Party
spends millions of dollars on statewide and local campaigns through funds provided
by labor unions and other left - leaning backers.
Meanwhile, her agency
spent $ 341 million from 2014 through 2017 on overtime costs dictated
by labor contracts between the city and the
unions.
This PEF report on consultant
spending at the DOH is the fifth such report released in recent weeks
by the
labor union, which represents nearly 54,000 professional, scientific and technical employees of the state, including more than 3,000 at DOH.
They accounted for the $ 13.6 billion cost of all the contracts
by adding funds to the existing
labor reserve in the budget,
spending $ 1 billion from a separate account known as the «health stabilization fund» and forcing
unions to come up with $ 3.4 billion worth of health care savings through FY2018.
The super PAC's
spending comes as the state Republican Committee has complained to the Board of Elections over the PAC's
spending, alleging an illegal degree of coordination between the
labor union and the independent expenditure committee — a claim that's denied
by NYSUT.
A group funded
by casino companies, business groups and
labor unions called New York Jobs Now
spent $ 1.9 million supporting the ballot referendum.
While opposition forces, led
by labor unions, have already begun to
spend sizeable sums of money to encourage a «no» vote, it is unclear how rising populist sentiments indicated in last year's presidential election — especially through the campaigns of Bernie Sanders and Donald Trump — may factor in.
A group predominantly fueled
by major
labor unions has
spent more than $ 500,000 on television ads opposing a constitutional convention.
Samuels said his PAC seeks to fight what he expects will be millions
spent by politically influential
labor unions against a constitutional convention that could curb state
spending.
Already, the Transport Workers
Union, which has been engaged in bitter criticism of de Blasio over funding for an emergency Metropolitan Transit Authority (MTA) plan put forward by Lhota (again the agency's chair), has spent $ 119,025 on a TV ad attacking the mayor (TWU is seen as an ally of Governor Andrew Cuomo, a consistent de Blasio foe with whom the union negotiates its major labor contra
Union, which has been engaged in bitter criticism of de Blasio over funding for an emergency Metropolitan Transit Authority (MTA) plan put forward
by Lhota (again the agency's chair), has
spent $ 119,025 on a TV ad attacking the mayor (TWU is seen as an ally of Governor Andrew Cuomo, a consistent de Blasio foe with whom the
union negotiates its major labor contra
union negotiates its major
labor contracts).
If you combine the campaign
spending of all those entities it does not match the amount
spent by the National Education Association, the public - sector
labor union that represents some 2.3 million K — 12 public school teachers and nearly a million education support workers (bus drivers, custodians, food service employees), retirees, and college student members.
The national
union spent roughly $ 1 million in contributions to a
labor - backed independent expenditure campaign — also supported
by the public workers
union AFSCME — and on its own extensive political operation, a Democratic political consultant familiar with the details of the
spending told POLITICO.