Sentences with phrase «states than any other state in the country»

«We're losing more people to other states than any other state in the country.

«We're losing the most people out of our state than any other state in the country,» Astorino said.

Not exact matches

Based in Carlsbad, California, Jazzercise's instructors teach its total - body conditioning program to almost half a million participants each year in the United States and more than 30 other countries.

Widely available in libraries, the annual directory lists more than 1,200 information brokers in the United States and some 44 other countries, and includes descriptions of their background and expertise.

Despite data from an ABC News poll that indicated only 26 percent of Americans felt they worked too hard, analysts have found that not only do people from the United States work longer hours than individuals in other countries, but they also take less time off and retire later.

A roundup of gun control and violence studies by writer German Lopez at Vox shows Americans represent less than 5 % of the world population but possess nearly 50 % of the world's civilian - owned guns, police are about three times more likely to be killed in states with high gun ownership, countries with more guns see more gun deaths, and states with tighter gun control laws see fewer gun - related deaths, among other sobering statistics.

«They have more resources — and are more willing to use them — than any other state in the country.»

Since power rates are different throughout the country, it's notable cheaper in some states to mine a bitcoin than it is in others.

Glickman, 27 at the time, quickly zeroed in on phone costs: like almost all countries other than the United States, Argentina had a state - run phone company that charged an arm and a leg for international calls, and Amex Argentina was running up a monthly bill of $ 25,000 in international calls.

The case arose more than a decade ago when Mars Canada, which also makes and sells Snickers and Milky Way candy bars among other treats, discovered Ebert was buying genuine Mars products in the United States through his company Bemco Cash and Carry, and selling them at a discount in this country.

Popeyes has more than 2,600 restaurants in the United States, Canada and two dozen other countries.

These risks and uncertainties include: Gilead's ability to achieve its anticipated full year 2018 financial results; Gilead's ability to sustain growth in revenues for its antiviral and other programs; the risk that private and public payers may be reluctant to provide, or continue to provide, coverage or reimbursement for new products, including Vosevi, Yescarta, Epclusa, Harvoni, Genvoya, Odefsey, Descovy, Biktarvy and Vemlidy ®; austerity measures in European countries that may increase the amount of discount required on Gilead's products; an increase in discounts, chargebacks and rebates due to ongoing contracts and future negotiations with commercial and government payers; a larger than anticipated shift in payer mix to more highly discounted payer segments and geographic regions and decreases in treatment duration; availability of funding for state AIDS Drug Assistance Programs (ADAPs); continued fluctuations in ADAP purchases driven by federal and state grant cycles which may not mirror patient demand and may cause fluctuations in Gilead's earnings; market share and price erosion caused by the introduction of generic versions of Viread and Truvada, an uncertain global macroeconomic environment; and potential amendments to the Affordable Care Act or other government action that could have the effect of lowering prices or reducing the number of insured patients; the possibility of unfavorable results from clinical trials involving investigational compounds; Gilead's ability to initiate clinical trials in its currently anticipated timeframes; the levels of inventory held by wholesalers and retailers which may cause fluctuations in Gilead's earnings; Kite's ability to develop and commercialize cell therapies utilizing the zinc finger nuclease technology platform and realize the benefits of the Sangamo partnership; Gilead's ability to submit new drug applications for new product candidates in the timelines currently anticipated; Gilead's ability to receive regulatory approvals in a timely manner or at all, for new and current products, including Biktarvy; Gilead's ability to successfully commercialize its products, including Biktarvy; the risk that physicians and patients may not see advantages of these products over other therapies and may therefore be reluctant to prescribe the products; Gilead's ability to successfully develop its hematology / oncology and inflammation / respiratory programs; safety and efficacy data from clinical studies may not warrant further development of Gilead's product candidates, including GS - 9620 and Yescarta in combination with Pfizer's utomilumab; Gilead's ability to pay dividends or complete its share repurchase program due to changes in its stock price, corporate or other market conditions; fluctuations in the foreign exchange rate of the U.S. dollar that may cause an unfavorable foreign currency exchange impact on Gilead's future revenues and pre-tax earnings; and other risks identified from time to time in Gilead's reports filed with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (the SEC).

Georgia produces more peanuts, pecans, blueberries and broilers (chickens) than any other state in the country.

The United States hasn't given up its seat on the table, but it could certainly take a bigger role than it has in order to ensure that other countries, when they do implement regulations on tech and information, aren't going too far.

Houses in the Keystone State are more affordable than those in many other parts of the country.

Ministers must table in Parliament stating the reasons for which these fees are being changed, including why the proposed increase is greater than that comparable rates in other countries.

In part, because the Australian financial system and economy entered the turbulence in strong shape, it has been considerably less affected than those in other countries, most obviously the United StateIn part, because the Australian financial system and economy entered the turbulence in strong shape, it has been considerably less affected than those in other countries, most obviously the United Statein strong shape, it has been considerably less affected than those in other countries, most obviously the United Statein other countries, most obviously the United States.

Since NAFTA was enacted in the 1990s, trade between the United States, Mexico and Canada has tripled, growing faster than the U.S. trade with any other country.

In a study of retailers in the United States, Britain and other European countries, Professor Adrian Beck and Matt Hopkins of the University of Leicester in England said the use of self - service lanes and smartphone apps to make purchases generated a loss rate of nearly 4 percent, more than double the averagIn a study of retailers in the United States, Britain and other European countries, Professor Adrian Beck and Matt Hopkins of the University of Leicester in England said the use of self - service lanes and smartphone apps to make purchases generated a loss rate of nearly 4 percent, more than double the averagin the United States, Britain and other European countries, Professor Adrian Beck and Matt Hopkins of the University of Leicester in England said the use of self - service lanes and smartphone apps to make purchases generated a loss rate of nearly 4 percent, more than double the averagin England said the use of self - service lanes and smartphone apps to make purchases generated a loss rate of nearly 4 percent, more than double the average.

In the United States, Japan, Russia, and most countries in Europe, populations are aging, some at much faster rates than otherIn the United States, Japan, Russia, and most countries in Europe, populations are aging, some at much faster rates than otherin Europe, populations are aging, some at much faster rates than others.

And Americans» support for meritocratic principles has remained stable over the last two decades despite growing economic inequality, recessions, and the fact that there is less mobility in the United States than in most other industrialized countries.

«Mr. Speaker, today in First Nations communities across the country, the unemployment rate can reach 80 %, half of the housing units are in a pitiful state and schools and students receive 30 % less funding than others,» Thomas Mulcair reported.

And he says, «The United States has by far more guns in more hands than any other country in the developed world.

Bond yields are in line if not below where the United States is, and the peripheral countries have been slowly moving in the right direction in terms of reform, some more quickly than others.

Chinese companies have raised more money in U.S. stock markets in the past decade than companies from any other country except the United States itself.

As we showed last year, average retirement income in the United States is among the highest in the world — higher than all Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries other than Luxembourg (more recent estimates from Andrew Biggs find that Norway also has higher income).

Countless studies have proven that there is a higher incidence of incest in the bible belt states than in any other part of the country.

But a disquieting trend has emerged over the past two decades, as the gap between the richest Canadians and the rest has grown, faster here than in all but one other OECD country, the United States.

More mormons outside of the United States than in it... there is a reason why they focus so much in other countries... and prefer the less educated ones.

For Poland to be something other than the claustrophobic Soviet puppet - state it had been since 1945 — for Poland to be itself, true to its character and history — Poland had to live in the truth: It had to be a country in which 2 + 2 always equaled 4.

Although poverty often appears less extreme in the United States than in other countries, it is nonetheless real.

Obviously, given there is a majority of those who identify as «christian» (of some sort)-- in this country, the «attacks» (other than ongoing obviously more violent types in various Middle East countries with state enforced muslim citizens) are so angry and vicious.

As for the question of why interreligious dialogue should have had its first major public outing in the United States, and why it has flourished here more than in any other country since, this is slightly more complicated.

The United States is the country where, more than any other, the ideal of a religiously tolerant political order has been enshrined in a constitution, and interpreted by the judiciary, in such a way as to attempt a consistent separation between church and state.

On the other hand, evangelicals who promote a warped view of American history in an effort to undo the court rulings on church - state affairs ignore a fundamental point made by Roger Williams more than 300 years ago: «No civil state or country can be truly called Christian, although the Christians be in it.»

U.S. corporations will have their investments in other countries better protected than those in the United States.

The latest global findings from the Pew Research Center, released two days before Religious Freedom Day in the United States, show that overall restrictions on religion in nearly 200 countries and territories have reached a six - year high, and Christians are harassed in more countries than any other religious group (though Muslims are a close second).

In describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statIn describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and state.

A large number of computer software companies from the United States are developing software in Bangalore, India, at less than one - fifth of the price in other countries.

The report found, among other things, that 43 of the lower 48 U.S. states have set at least one monthly heat record since 2010, sea levels are expected to rise between one and four feet by the end of this century, winter storms have increased in intensity and frequency, and the past decade was warmer than every previous decade in every part of the country.

For nearly 40 years, Tofutti has been selling and innovating soy - based, dairy - free frozen desserts and other food products throughout the United States and in more than a dozen other countries.

In fact, according to the USDA, the United States imports more pepper than any other country, and accounts for one fourth of annual world imports.

Believe it or not, the Palouse region of our state is not only a wheat producing area but grows more lentils than any other area in the country.

SIAL Canada is the only event of its size in the country, bringing together more than 850 national and international exhibitors from 60 countries, all while welcoming more than 15,000 buyers from Canada, the United States and other countries.

Through its subsidiaries, IDQ develops, licenses and services a system of more than 6,700 locations in the United States, Canada and 27 other countries.

In fact, I will let the motivated among you do a little research if you are curious — my state has the highest population use of Facebook than any other state in the countrIn fact, I will let the motivated among you do a little research if you are curious — my state has the highest population use of Facebook than any other state in the countrin the country.

«Babies in the United States have a higher risk of dying during their first month of life than do babies born in 40 other countries, according to a new report.

The organization offers support, reliable information, best practice training, and volunteer coordinators in all 50 U.S. states and more than 30 other countries around the world.

Even though the study was conducted in Canada, where attitudes toward midwifery are more accepting than in some other countries, the findings may help to calm an ongoing controversy in the United States and elsewhere.

I have always noticed that naps in the United States are taken much less seriously (and even discouraged) than in other countries around the world.