Compare it to my own conclusion in my abridged version in Education Next: «Although these are impressive results, before drawing
strong policy conclusions it is important to confirm the results through experimental or quasi-experimental studies carried out in advanced industrialized countries.»
Although these are impressive results, before drawing
strong policy conclusions it is important to confirm the results through experimental or quasi-experimental studies carried out in advanced industrialized countries.
Not exact matches
It's not impossible to arrive at the
conclusion that the federal government should use fiscal
policy to increase aggregate demand: you can mount a
strong case to support the stimulus package in the 2009 budget.
Given the various social, economic, and educational factors at work before and after NCLB was implemented, it is difficult to draw
strong conclusions about the
policy's impact from a simple comparison of achievement trends before and after enactment of the law.
These
strong conclusions have a lot of scientists and
policy experts pushing for prompt action, after decades of waffling, both to cut the odds of the worst outcomes by curbing greenhouse gas emissions and by boosting resilience to climate extremes — whatever the cause.
You can point the finger at all sorts of participants in this battle, but I believe (and we have been examining and discussing at length on this site for more than 8 years now) the principal drivers of the polarization are coming more from: (1) the corporate energy interests who are protecting their profits against regulation and other
policies that would move the system away from fossil fuels, and using their clout in the political process to tie things up; (2) right - wing anti-government and anti-regulatory ideologues whose political views appear threatened by scientific
conclusions that point toward a need for
stronger policy action; (3) people whose religious or cultural identities appear threatened by modern science; and so forth.
Collectively, the reviewers reported agreement with the
conclusions of the ISPM and
strong support for its publication as «a means of communicating the current state of climate science to
policy makers and other general readers».
Although the
conclusions reached in this post are initially counter-intuitive, we here explain why ethical arguments are in some ways much
stronger arguments than self - interest based arguments and the failure to look at climate change
policies through an ethical lens has practical consequences.
These two complementary investigations arrived at similar
conclusions regarding the state of federal climate research and the need for
strong policies to protect the integrity of science and the free flow of scientific information.
Additional understanding of the long tails of the response might be even more important for climate
policy conclusions, although I have also other
strong doubts on the meaningfulness of very long term considerations.
A
strong ethical case can be made that if nations have duties to limit their ghg emissions to their fair share of safe global emissions, a
conclusion that follows both as a matter of ethics and justice and several international legal principles including, among others, the «no harm principle,» and promises nations made in the 1992 UNFCCC to adopt
policies and measures required to prevent dangerous anthropocentric interference with the climate system in accordance with equity and common but differentiated responsibilities, nations have a duty to clearly explain how their national ghg emissions reductions commitments arguably satisfy their ethical obligations to limit their ghg emissions to the nation's fair share of safe global emissions.
In
conclusion, the
strongest foundation for achieving greater access to social justice for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples is to ensure that all
policies, programs and legislation are underpinned by: