Sentences with phrase «such as a constitutional»

The general practice is to move to larger majority requirements for issues of larger significance, such as constitutional changes.

Alban Bagbin has become the face of Ghanaian politics not for his 25 years so far in parliament and still counting, but for the extraordinary role he played as two terms Minority Leader, twice Majority Leader and Chairman of some strategic committees of Parliament such as Constitutional, Legal and Parliamentary Committee, which he chaired twice, Public Accounts and Appointments Committee.

Under the Ashdown formula, the Liberal Democrats have worked with Labour on areas of mutual interest, such as constitutional reform, but have opposed the Government in other areas such as spending on health and education and preparation for the euro.

The budget does not include ethics legislation such as a constitutional amendment for term limits or limiting legislative pay.

Issues like the DREAM Act, which provides tuition assistance for undocumented immigrants, and ethics reform such as the constitutional amendment the governor first proposed in December for term limits and limiting outside income for state officials, lack the «political will,» he said.

Democrats in the remaining 26 - member conference grumble about the IDC's propensity to side with Republicans on contentious issues such as a constitutional amendment for independent redistricting and a vote that some saw as watering down the powers of the lieutenant governor in order to provide needed votes (it was even joked about at the LCA Show in May).

Since then, the IDC has given their four votes to Republicans on a variety of issues, such as a constitutional amendment for redistricting, a move seen as a GOP delay tactic.

If a minority Labour government was relying on Tory votes to get things through that the Nats didn't like, there is always a danger that the Tories could resort to the sort of tactics Labour themselves often used in such situations (such as constitutional reform).

They include international instruments such as treaties and declarations; nationally based standards such as constitutional provisions and national laws; certification schemes such as the Worldwide Responsible Apparel Production (WRAP); and voluntary initiatives that are adopted by businesses on a voluntary basis (Report 4).

Consistent with the theme, he groups them by categories such as Constitutional Rights, Supreme Justice, Flag Waving, Military Drills and Land of the Free.

There they receive scaled - down versions of first - year law classes such as constitutional law, criminal law, civil procedure, criminal procedure and torts.

Starting in July 2016, prospective lawyers taking the Massachusetts bar exam will be tested not just on traditional topics such as constitutional law, torts and property, but also on access to justice.

As a general rule, state law refers to cases such as broken contracts, robberies, family law, traffic violations etc while federal law refers to cases such as constitutional violations for which your country is party, copyright infringement and intellectual property cases, patent cases etc..

These cataloging systems produce hierarchical concept frameworks placing broad legal concepts such as constitutional law and environmental law at the top and then drill down from those broad concepts through successive levels of increasingly narrow subtopics.

The court wrote that the Supreme Court instructed courts in Sattva to only apply a correctness standard on exceptional questions of law, such as constitutional questions, or general questions of law that are of central importance to the legal system as a whole and outside the adjudicator's area of expertise.

As part of the listing process, the fund will also be obliged, initially and then on an on - going basis, to make certain documents such as its constitutional documents, material service provider agreements and any financial statements, available for public inspection.

In 2011 IHRNA will host a series of regional forums around Australia to allow members to steer the development of the Network, and provide feedback on national issues such as Constitutional reform and progressing the Declaration.

Not exact matches

Such Constitutional protections have ensured that federal programs such as Medicare, the Veteran Administration's TRICARE system (which provides benefits for active duty members of the military and their families), and the Emergency Medical Treatment and Active Labor Act (EMTALA) apply the same rules to everyone they coSuch Constitutional protections have ensured that federal programs such as Medicare, the Veteran Administration's TRICARE system (which provides benefits for active duty members of the military and their families), and the Emergency Medical Treatment and Active Labor Act (EMTALA) apply the same rules to everyone they cosuch as Medicare, the Veteran Administration's TRICARE system (which provides benefits for active duty members of the military and their families), and the Emergency Medical Treatment and Active Labor Act (EMTALA) apply the same rules to everyone they cover.

In addition to skepticism about climate change per se, Republican opposition to the Paris Agreement included both economic reasons (such as that the Paris agreement would hurt domestic U.S. energy producers and manufacturers) and constitutional ones (such as that Obama should have sought Senate approval before signing the Paris Agreement).

Since the right to fairly priced electricity is not a fundamental constitutional right and because HDL users are not part of a classification that have been subject to governmental discrimination historically, such as race, gender, national origin, etc., the PUD's decision will be allowed to stand unless a court finds that there was no «rational basis» for it.

Justice Douglas» opinion struck that law down as inconsistent with a Constitutional right of privacy, notwithstanding that the U.S. Constitution nowhere mentions any such right, let alone even using the word «privacy».

The success of the concurrent delegations was an excellent example of how Canada can capitalize on some of its constitutional similarities with India — in this case, the devolution of power over issues such as education and national - resource management to the provinces — in order to improve relations for Canada as a whole.

Writing in Crisis, he observes that a crisis of conscience is created when the courts not only countenance the killing of the innocent but also decree, as in the Casey decision, that moral objection to such injustice is an offense against the constitutional order.

«The Greens do have such rights,» Heaton's ruling stated, «but are unlikely to prevail as to their constitutional claims because the preventive care coverage regulations... are neutral laws of general applicability which are rationally related to a legitimate governmental objective.»

To these one might add such instances as the constitutional protection of slavery which led some radical abolitionists to repudiate that document; the massive violation of civil liberties during World War I; and the internment of Japanese - American citizens during World War II.

And Amar and others such as his colleague Bruce Ackerman (leaders of what Wills terms the «Yale school of nullification») have been arguing that the Federalists were not altogether successful, leaving room in our constitutional government for exceptional moments of popular intervention on behalf of a fundamental reorientation of American politics.

You eliminate the mandate by saying there can be no such mandate and you call the penalty that the law calls a penalty a tax because a tax in the absence of a mandate would be okay, and since there is no longer a mandate, it is possible to reimagine the penalty as a tax and therefore the new law without the mandate and the penalty, but with an optional tax, is constitutional even though that is not the law that Congress actually passed.

He would go on to become the most influential member of the Constitutional Convention of 1787, coauthor of The Federalist, the classic defense of that gathering's handiwork, and the primary sponsor of the Bill of Rights (which he viewed as a harmless palliative for such foes of the new regime as still remained).

Indeed, the list of Third World governments committed to the goal of shaping the demographic pattern of their societies seems to cover the political spectrum, including not only dictatorships and one - party states (Haiti, Indonesia), but also monarchies (Morocco, Nepal) and a number of genuine constitutional democracies (such as Barbados and Botswana).

Its curators» decisions to display particular objects, such as the Artifact, in the Museum are not state actions to which Constitutional protections apply.»

The platform planks for «32 embodied a number of Century concerns: U.S. adherence to the World Court protocol; U.S. entry into the League of Nations, provided that its covenant be amended to eliminate military sanctions; U.S. recognition of the Soviet Union (which was granted a year later); the safeguarding of the rights of conscientious objectors (including those denied citizenship, such as Canadian - born theologian D. C. Macintosh of Yale Divinity School); the abolition of compulsory military training in state - supported educational institutions other than military and naval academies; emergency measures for relief and public - works employment; the securing of constitutional rights for minorities; the reduction of gross inequality of income by steeply progressive rates of taxation on large incomes; «progressive socialization of the ownership and control of natural resources, public utilities and basic industries»; «the nationalization of our entire banking system»; and so on (June 8, 1932).

Consistent with the Hoover Report's recommendations that the United States had to reconsider «long - standing American concepts of fair play» and «learn to subvert, sabotage and destroy our enemies,» the shadow government built alliances between U.S. government officials, the Mafia, and international drug cartels; assassinated many thousands of civilians in Southeast Asia; carried out or attempted assassination of foreign leaders; trained death squads and secret police forces; worked to shore up unpopular dictators like the Shah of Iran and the Somoza dictatorship in prerevolutionary Nicaragua; worked to destabilize «unfriendly» governments such as Allende in Chile and the Sandinistas in Nicaragua; cooperated with the Colombian drug cartel to plot the assassination of the former U.S. ambassador to Costa Rica, Lewis Tambs, with the intention of justifying a U.S. invasion of Nicaragua by blaming his death on the Sandinistas; contracted with the Reagan administration and the National Security Council to find ways of circumventing a congressional ban prohibiting aid to the contras, including the trading of arms to Iran in exchange for hostages and money for the contras; illegally shipped weapons from the United States to the contras and allowed returning planes to use the same protected flight paths to transport drugs into the United States; 11 targeted the U.S. people for disinformation campaigns; and helped prepare contingency plans for declaring a form of martial law in the United States that would have formally suspended constitutional freedoms.

Nevertheless, a nation should include at least such elements as common commitment to the rule of law, generally accepted limits on political power and rhetoric, belief in constitutional governance, the rights of citizens, etc..

Worley's initial sermon was partly framed as a response to Obama's endorsement of same - sex marriage, which he made in a TV interview a day after North Carolina voters passed a state constitutional amendment banning legal recognition of such marriages and other types of gay unions.

The conference finally adopted several arguably peripheral constitutional amendments such as forbidding acquisition of new U.S. territory without approval by a majority of both slave - state and free - state senators, guaranteeing federal compensation for fugitive slaves when failure to return them was due to anti-slavery violence or intimidation, and restoring and perpetuating the Missouri Compromise line that once satisfied both regions but had been struck down by the Dred Scott decision.

According to the logic of the Court, the Free Exercise Clause does not protect churches in these circumstances, unless some other constitutional right, such as Free Speech or the right of parents to control the upbringing of their children, is violated by the governmental intrusion.

I understand why some, including some devout religious conservatives, argue that they recognize the moral and temperamental unfitness of a man such as Trump for the nation's highest office, but feel they must cast their ballots for him in an effort to forestall the very real perils of a Supreme Court increasingly hostile to the most basic of religious freedoms and constitutional restraints.

Such a purpose would have been rightly understood as a revolutionary alteration in our constitutional structure.

As such, he led efforts in the 1780s for British constitutional reforms which eventually limited the prerogative of the Crown, thereby consolidating parliamentary sovereignty.

They, too, have drunk in the idea that courts, particularly the Supreme Court (upon which more than a few imagine themselves someday serving), are the ultimate protectors of rights and, as such, should have the ultimate say on constitutional questions.

I do not forget the position assumed by some that constitutional questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court, nor do I deny that such decisions must be binding in any case upon the parties to a suit as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by other departments of the government.

And were such laws propounded as essential features of the constitutional order itself — which is to say, propounded as laws governing the making of any other laws — then we could reasonably ask about the legitimacy of that regime.

Such a view of law would permit for - profit corporations to have the moral culpability of criminal convictions, take moral views on a slew of ethical concerns, and let corporations exercise other constitutional guarantees as persons while inexplicably siphoning off only for - profit corporations from religious protection.

And when it comes to immunizing such «choices» from legal restriction or even private remonstration, the Court's liberals can be counted upon to flip on the switch of what Justice Antonin Scalia, writing in dissent, describes as «the ad hoc nullification machine that [is] set in motion to push aside whatever doctrines of constitutional law stand in the way of the highly favored practice of abortion.»

«Whether such cases end in conviction or acquittal appears to rest on, firstly, the ability of police or prosecutors to link the defendant with a particular association, and secondly, whether the judge decides to uphold an individual's constitutional right to share beliefs as a private citizen,» Victoria Arnold reported for Forum 18.

Skepticism is important sometimes, but this sort of constitutional power play is rarely employed even in those cases, such as nonestablishment cases, where the purpose of a policy is important to its constitutionality.

The dynamic of despotism was such that the rejection of first principles led inexorably to an assault on constitutional rights, as the defenders of slavery sought to undermine the rights of speech, press, assembly, and petition (whenever they were exercised by slavery's opponents, that is).

Although there is a procedure for debating so - called bills of first class constitutional importance before the full House there is no obvious rhyme or reason as to what is claimed to constitute such a bill as a matter of principle.

For historians of constitutional reform, such ad hocery comes as no surprise.

A closer look at the failure of presidents to secure a third term through constitutional change in places such as Burundi, Nigeria, and Zambia reveals that one of the main barriers they faced was parliamentary opposition, including from within their own coalitions.