Sentences with phrase «such election win»

Even more sad republicans did not win the election putting them in govt such election win gained came via massive voting fraud / coupled with the corrupt ruling of an supreme court decision / awarding them victory.

Not exact matches

A win by Mr. Trump in the U.S. presidential election in November could be a shock for stocks, although such a victory would presumably be predicted by polls.

No the Christian morals are not died but it sure is hard win a election when you have such a liberal unchecked media like CNN.

In a strong two - party system, politicians such as Pat Buchanan or Oliver North are more successful in generating news copy than in winning elections.

I believe a large percent of America can see this and votes for the guy's who do not pull such underhanded tactics in an attempt to win, which is why the Republicans were so stunned when they got destroyed in the last election.

Southern Baptist conservatives won key presidential elections year after year, and after a final conservative presidential victory in 1989 in New Orleans, moderates gave up the battle and began taking steps toward forming their own moderate organizations, such as the Cooperative Fellowship.

As the Democratic Party seems set to win Italy's general elections next year, and thus take control of the third largest economy of the Eurozone, such ideological adjustment is now particularly urgent.

By concentrating all the followers of the other party in few districts, one can greatly increase the chance to win such elections.

It would not have been that hard to divide Iowa into four districts where two were Republican and two were Democrat such that only a huge wave election could have resulted in three Republicans winning.

Yet this Thursday's election is unlikely to be won or lost on such matters.

They also need to trust that key institutions such as the Judiciary and Legislature will protect integrity of the political system so that they can also have a chance of winning future elections.

She cautioned that such operations take a lot of effort to run and that their work «is not going to ever be the difference between winning and losing an election.»

These MPs will have ambitions of climbing the greasy pole and may have chosen to back Remain to satisfy Cameron or may have chosen to sit on the fence in case a Leave candidate such as Boris Johnson or Priti Patel wins the leadership election.

Each election, they invent names such as «Essex man» or «Worcester woman'to describe archetypal voters representative of marginal constituencies necessary to win a parliamentary majority.

There has previously been some speculation that if the Conservatives win the general election and David Cameron becomes Prime Minister, he might combine the Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland Offices into a single «Department for the Nations» or such like, with one minister sitting in the Cabinet.

Based on these performances it appears their hopes for winning any of these Long Island or Hudson Valley seats (prior to the next presidential election) are contingent on unique circumstances such as a strong third - party candidate in the race, a special election or a corruption issue.

During the recent by - election at Nantwich and Crewe which the Conservatives gained by overturning a huge Labour majority, various comments were heard from teenage voters and early twenty - somethings such as: «If Tories win does it mean a change of Prime Minister?»

For instance, Brown takes aim at Tony Blair who argued that he personally won three elections when factors such as popular discontent with the Major administration and artificial inflation of vote share via the first - past - the - post system may greater explain Labour's landslide victory in 1997 (pp. 67 - 72).

It will be tough but such a move would show voters that Ed is his own man and that is the first move he needs to make in order to win an election.»

And after New Labour won three elections in a row, such enduring support requires its reward — such as overlooking the burgeoning bonus culture of the City as well as its downstream consequences.

It is also due to painful memories, such as the Smethwick controversy in the 1964 general election, in which Tory candidate Peter Griffiths exploited racial tensions in the West Midlands constituency to win the race.

Broken Vows hammers away at Blair's reputation on every front, and there is no attempt to really consider why he was able to win three General Elections or to achieve successes based upon hard work, application and grit such as the Northern Ireland Peace Agreement.

«If the chancellor is doing such a good job, why won't he let him take over,» Mr Cameron asked, to which Mr Blair snapped back:» [The Tory leader] may want to forget this but we had a general election a year ago - we won, he lost.»

Such was the pomp and pageantry in the country, that the only ones that were left out of the Merry of Christmas were NDC faithfuls, like myself, who were grieving, and struggling to come to terms with our painful loss in an election we were ever - so confident of winning, given our impressive record of governance under John Dramani Mahama.

In the opinion of CADA, election threats come in different forms and may include intimidation, registering minors and foreigners, multiple registration, etc. during voter registration exercise or targeting of election officials, intimidation or harassment of journalists, incitement to violence in the media or public, protecting, expanding, or delineating turf or «no - go areas», attacks on election rallies or candidates, intimidation of voters to compel them to vote or stay away, physical attacks on election materials such as snatching and destruction of ballot boxes, armed clashes among political parties, violent clashes among groups of rival supporters, vandalism and physical attacks on property of opponents, targeted attacks against specific candidates or political parties, attacks on rivals who have either won in elections or were defeated, violent street protests and efforts by armed police to maintain or restore order, tear gas, firing on protestors, attacks by protestors on property or the police, escalation and perpetuation of ethnic or sectarian violence.

There is a very simple reason why Cameron is rushing up the aisle with such great enthusiasm: he has been weakened by his failure to win the election and simply must make it to No 10 if his leadership is to be safe.

They argued that Britain needs «transformative» change, adding: «If Labour plays the next election safe and hopes to win on the basis of Tory unpopularity, it will not have earned a mandate for such change.»

At a time of austerity it is unreasonable that trade unions receive such public largesse but reform is also central to Tory hopes of winning more seats at the next election.

She won a special election for the office in November 2011, following her defeat in 2010 for such office by then - state Senator Vincent L. Leibell.

Equally those who want change, should they lose such a vote, would be expected by the majority of the PLP to devote all of their efforts to winning the election.

In response to reports that Theresa May could try to push a motion through the House of Commons on joining military action against Bashar al - Assad if she wins the election, Shadow Foreign Secretary Emily Thornberry has said such a move would «risk open conflict between our armed forces and those of Russia and Iran.»

One such conciliatory option to win them is the request by a swathe of mainstream Labour MPs for a return to MPs voting in shadow cabinet elections, which was abolished under Ed Miliband's leadership in 2011.

If the party's support levels nationally were to even lower than the 6.6 % level won in the general election, then the party would be losing even more seats — especially given the narrow margins that Labour candidates (such as Willie Penrose) won seats by in that election.

If the party had managed to win such slightly higher support levels in the last general election in the 13 constituencies that fall into this category, then Labour would have ended up winning 50 seats at the election, and the overall seat tallies by party would have looked as follows: Fine Gael 73, Labour 50, Fianna Fail 17, Sinn Fein 11, United Left Alliance 3, Others 12.

As such, in elections where a large portion of electorate isn't terribly inspired by either candidates, and mostly votes for «lesser of two evils» in current FPTP, the two major party candidates just might accrue enough down - votes that a 3rd party candidate who isn't nearly as disliked will, on balance, win over both of them (or at the very least, acquire more than the abysmal 4 % combined popular vote and 0 electoral vote like 2016 US presidential elections, despite 3rd party candidates combined likely being preferred by 40 % of electorate, as a low bound).

The most recent election is such an example because one party (CDU / CSU) won 231 of the directly elected seats, while only receiving approximately 34.7 % of the (eligible) party - preference votes across Germany.

But as liberals enjoy a brief respite from the reactionary flames this morning, many will hope that Sarah Olney's spectacular by - election win might point the way to further such results should Theresa May opt for a Brexit election.

So let's say the Democrats pick up a couple of states in the election, while Utah and Nevada go for McMullin and persuade a few other Republican states to join them right away, such that the breakdowns goes something like — with 26 needed to win — 19 delegations for Clinton, 23 for Trump and eight for McMullin.

Emma Burnell explains why she's bet # 20 on a Labour win in Eastleigh, and why her party is finding this by election such a laugh

One example where this was particularly obvious was the 2016 Presidential election, where one candidate won one large state by such a massive margin, and lost many smaller states by slivers of margins, that one single state by itself caused the electoral college result to differ from the popular vote (the state was California - if add up the remaining 49 states and DC, the other candidate comfortably won the popular vote as well as the electoral college).

One of such reports by the London - based Economic and Intelligence Unit (EIU) is out and claims the NPP will win the November elections.

(It is hard to speak of a real democracy in a country such as the US where winning a presidential election costs $ 1 billion and where that $ 1 billion comes from a few very wealthy donors.)

With such a narrow loss last time and a humiliating exit for the Labour MP, he should be expected to win the forthcoming by - election, but voters are intent on punishing the Lib Dems and most pundits think Labour will retain the seat.

Republican Senators such as Everett Dirksen and Barry Goldwater also thought that vote fraud «played a role in the election», [42] and that Nixon actually won the national popular vote.

«If we can exhibit such bravado in love and unity, there is no way the New Patriotic Party (NPP) can not win next year's general elections.»

Though Labour will go out to win the next election, it is something of a relief that such contingency plans are already being made.

Unlike Tim Montgomerie, I don't believe that the formation of the Coalition was a mistake, for one reason: if the Liberal Democrats had forced a second election, David Cameron wouldn't have won it on present boundaries (any more than he won that of May 2010); and if they hadn't forced such an election, they would simply have joined with Labour to vote down radical Tory legisaltion in any event.

In the wake of such an extraordinary unforced error, Labour's chosen line of attack is that Cameron is taking the electorate for granted by assuming he will win the next election.

On the claim by the Peoples Democratic Party that the election was postponed because it was obvious that the party would win, the APGA candidate said that such claim was a mere presumption.

«As such, a reasonable solution is the following: Both sides will pledge to come together to win [two special elections coming next year].