For example, the AFT refused to charter segregated locals and filed an amicus brief in
support of desegregation in Brown v. Board of Education.
The third in a series of reports spanning nearly three decades shows a continuing advance in
the support of desegregation by U.S. whites.
Not exact matches
This is why I believe it's so important to study both historical religious arguments
supporting the abolition
of slavery and historical religious arguments opposing the abolition
of slavery (see my post on Mark Noll's The Civil War as a Theological Crisis» for a sampling), as well as historical religious arguments
supporting desegregation and historical religious arguments opposing
desegregation — not because I believe both sides are equal, but because the patterns
of argumentation that emerge are so unnervingly familiar:
Hawkins» platform includes tax reform that would create a city income tax, anti-poverty initiatives, state -
supported worker co-ops for poor and working - class people, public ownership
of utilities and
desegregation of schools and housing.
The sweeping anti-busing legislation — approved by the Senate as part
of a bill providing funds for the Justice Department this year — not only forbids the Justice Department from bringing
desegregation suits that could result in busing and limits the power
of federal courts to order busing for such purposes, but allows Justice Department officials to
support the removal
of court - ordered busing plans already in operation.
active
support by private foundations and community groups
of efforts to continue local
desegregation plans and programs, through research, advocacy and litigation;
Strong chapters on school
desegregation, bilingual education, education for the disabled, and school finance all
support Davies's argument that «in the 1970s, reform often emanated from... within the federal bureaucracy, from the lower federal courts, and through the energetic efforts
of congressional staffers, lobbyists, and public interest law firms.»
This report also
supports desegregation but it recognizes that
desegregation is best achieved through a fully developed system
of choice and competition that includes charter schools, school vouchers, and a well developed system
of choice among traditional public schools.
In 1981 they were folded into the Chapter 2 block - grant program, but explicit federal
support for magnet schools as
desegregation tools resumed in 1985 with the authorization
of the Magnet Schools Assistance Program (MSAP), included in the Education for Economic Security Act.
Our analysis
of the Louisiana Scholarship Program reveals that the vouchers used by the subset
of recipients for whom information is available have
supported public - school
desegregation efforts.
Alabama also enacted tuition grant state laws permitting students to use vouchers at private schools in the mid-1950s, while also enacting nullification statutes against court
desegregation mandates and altering its teacher tenure laws to allow the firing
of teachers who
supported desegregation.50 Alabama's tuition grant laws would also come before the court, with the U.S. District Court for the Middle District
of Alabama declaring in Lee v. Macon County Board
of Education vouchers to be «nothing more than a sham established for the purpose
of financing with state funds a white school system.»
Today, this tactic continues even as school
desegregation has been downgraded as a priority by the Congress and federal courts, but the politics
of Republican
support for private schools has gained new elements.
Whereas, the Hawkins / Jones platform
of a Green New Deal calls for equitable funding for all
of our schools, reduced class sizes across the state,
support for programs that promote
desegregation in our schools, an end to zero - tolerance discipline policies driving the school - to - prison pipeline, and allowing schools to develop methods
of assessment organic to the learning process, and
With the new label
of «equity assistance centers,» they can now provide technical assistance and training to
support a broader set
of concerns important to a school reform agenda rather than only to a school
desegregation agenda.
Reardon says: «The inter-district
desegregation plans in communities like Boston and Palo Alto have had a lot
of public
support.
From registering voters in Boston and Georgia in the 1960's, to helping to establish the second independent living center in the United States for persons with disabilities in the 1970's, to helping establish bi-racial councils in Boston Public Schools during
desegregation, to
supporting equal rights for the LGBTQ community, civil rights has been part
of his community work.