This is why I believe it's so important to study both historical religious arguments supporting the abolition of slavery and historical religious arguments opposing the abolition of slavery (see my post on Mark Noll's The Civil War as a Theological Crisis» for a sampling), as well as historical religious arguments
supporting desegregation and historical religious arguments opposing desegregation — not because I believe both sides are equal, but because the patterns of argumentation that emerge are so unnervingly familiar:
Surveys during the civil rights era found that many white people
supported desegregation privately but opposed it publicly, because they thought all the other white people opposed it.
Rather, government failed to actively
support desegregation and, during the Nixon and two Bush administrations, actively worked against it.
This report also
supports desegregation but it recognizes that desegregation is best achieved through a fully developed system of choice and competition that includes charter schools, school vouchers, and a well developed system of choice among traditional public schools.
Alabama also enacted tuition grant state laws permitting students to use vouchers at private schools in the mid-1950s, while also enacting nullification statutes against court desegregation mandates and altering its teacher tenure laws to allow the firing of teachers who
supported desegregation.50 Alabama's tuition grant laws would also come before the court, with the U.S. District Court for the Middle District of Alabama declaring in Lee v. Macon County Board of Education vouchers to be «nothing more than a sham established for the purpose of financing with state funds a white school system.»
Not exact matches
Hawkins» platform includes tax reform that would create a city income tax, anti-poverty initiatives, state -
supported worker co-ops for poor and working - class people, public ownership of utilities and
desegregation of schools and housing.
The Greens have called for Foundation Aid to be fully funded immediately, for the school aid formula to be reformed so it is more need - based, and for the state to
support school
desegregation programs such as intra - and inter-district public school choice, consolidation, and incentives (such as magnet schools).
Dingell voted for the bill making it illegal to discriminate based on race, but told CNN his
support for
desegregation spurred a «nasty» primary challenge for his seat from a fellow Democrat who opposed the legislation.
The third in a series of reports spanning nearly three decades shows a continuing advance in the
support of
desegregation by U.S. whites.
But the extent to which state constitutions provide
support for
desegregation by race is unclear.
Scalia claimed that the Fourteenth Amendment does provide
support for school
desegregation.
The sweeping anti-busing legislation — approved by the Senate as part of a bill providing funds for the Justice Department this year — not only forbids the Justice Department from bringing
desegregation suits that could result in busing and limits the power of federal courts to order busing for such purposes, but allows Justice Department officials to
support the removal of court - ordered busing plans already in operation.
active
support by private foundations and community groups of efforts to continue local
desegregation plans and programs, through research, advocacy and litigation;
Strong chapters on school
desegregation, bilingual education, education for the disabled, and school finance all
support Davies's argument that «in the 1970s, reform often emanated from... within the federal bureaucracy, from the lower federal courts, and through the energetic efforts of congressional staffers, lobbyists, and public interest law firms.»
For example, the AFT refused to charter segregated locals and filed an amicus brief in
support of
desegregation in Brown v. Board of Education.
It convinced Congress to abolish the Emergency School Aid Act program, enacted in 1972 to
support school - system
desegregation efforts, and fold it into the education block - grant bill enacted in 1981, the Education Consolidation and Improvement Act.
In 1981 they were folded into the Chapter 2 block - grant program, but explicit federal
support for magnet schools as
desegregation tools resumed in 1985 with the authorization of the Magnet Schools Assistance Program (MSAP), included in the Education for Economic Security Act.
Our analysis of the Louisiana Scholarship Program reveals that the vouchers used by the subset of recipients for whom information is available have
supported public - school
desegregation efforts.
Supporting the school boards, one amicus has assured us that «both early
desegregation research and recent statistical and econometric analyses... indicate that there are positive effects on minority student achievement scores arising from diverse school settings.»
Today, this tactic continues even as school
desegregation has been downgraded as a priority by the Congress and federal courts, but the politics of Republican
support for private schools has gained new elements.
Educators should
support school
desegregation as a means to a more just and harmonious society.
Whereas, the Hawkins / Jones platform of a Green New Deal calls for equitable funding for all of our schools, reduced class sizes across the state,
support for programs that promote
desegregation in our schools, an end to zero - tolerance discipline policies driving the school - to - prison pipeline, and allowing schools to develop methods of assessment organic to the learning process, and
Supporting neighborhood schools and opposing school bus rides became rhetoric to fight
desegregation without overtly racist language.
With the new label of «equity assistance centers,» they can now provide technical assistance and training to
support a broader set of concerns important to a school reform agenda rather than only to a school
desegregation agenda.
Reardon says: «The inter-district
desegregation plans in communities like Boston and Palo Alto have had a lot of public
support.
This includes registering voters for the Boston Election Commission in 1967, helping to establish the second Independent Living Center in the United States for persons with disabilities in the 1970's, establishing bi-racial councils in Boston Public Schools during
desegregation, and
supporting equal rights for the LGBTQ community.
From registering voters in Boston and Georgia in the 1960's, to helping to establish the second independent living center in the United States for persons with disabilities in the 1970's, to helping establish bi-racial councils in Boston Public Schools during
desegregation, to
supporting equal rights for the LGBTQ community, civil rights has been part of his community work.