Sentences with phrase «supporting use of vouchers»

He also supports the use of vouchers with a 100 % accessible taxi fleet to make trips affordable and to lower the cost of para-transit, as well as Olmstead implementation.

Not exact matches

Now, according to a poll just released by Associated Press and the National Opinion Research Center, vouchers that use taxpayer funds for low - income students to attend private schools gathered support from 43 % of the public, with only 31 % opposed.
To sum up, in three of the four phrasings of the voucher question — the two that emphasize choice and the one that emphasizes the use of government funds to support low - income families — we find a decline in public opposition.
Vouchers have come to include the use of private funding as partial tuition support for low - income students to attend private schools (as in Washington, D.C., San Antonio, and New York); the use of public funds to allow a small number of low - income students to attend private schools (as in Milwaukee and Cleveland); or, as in the case of Florida, the provision of public funds for students to attend a private school or another public school if their current public school has a poor aca - demic record.
As an advocate of state funding for religious schools, Charles Glenn supports the use of school vouchers.
When first explaining that a «school voucher system allows parents the option of sending their child to the school of their choice, whether that school is public or private, including both religious and non-religious schools» using «tax dollars currently allocated to a school district,» support increased to 63 percent and opposition increased to 33 percent.
It is generally thought that targeted school vouchers, i.e., vouchers limited to students from low - income families, have more widespread support than does a universal voucher program, which would allow any family to make use of a government voucher to attend a private school.
All of the Black leaders who supported vouchers, most especially Polly, took a lot of abuse from critics, who made all kinds of wild claims, including that conservatives were using us to push their own hidden agenda.
When asked about the design of a school voucher program, 85 percent of Americans support allowing parents using vouchers to choose both religious and nonreligious private schools, a practice the U.S. Supreme Court upheld in 2002.
Our analysis of the Louisiana Scholarship Program reveals that the vouchers used by the subset of recipients for whom information is available have supported public - school desegregation efforts.
But, if we're going to support our arguments for choice with test scores (using them to show either shortcomings in public schools or the benefits of choice), we have hitched our wagon to them and can't be surprised if people attack vouchers when poor test score results come out.
It could just as easily have been used as the basis of Phi Delta Kappa's conclusion in its press release that support for vouchers increased, peaked, and then began a significant decline during the 1990s.
Even with the reopening of the County's public schools following the Griffin ruling, segregation supported by a voucher system and inequitable funding persisted.24 The County's board of supervisors devoted only $ 189,000 in funding for integrated public schools.25 At the same time, they allocated $ 375,000 that could effectively only be used by white students for «tuition grants to students attending either private nonsectarian schools in the County or public schools charging tuition outside the County.»
Alabama also enacted tuition grant state laws permitting students to use vouchers at private schools in the mid-1950s, while also enacting nullification statutes against court desegregation mandates and altering its teacher tenure laws to allow the firing of teachers who supported desegregation.50 Alabama's tuition grant laws would also come before the court, with the U.S. District Court for the Middle District of Alabama declaring in Lee v. Macon County Board of Education vouchers to be «nothing more than a sham established for the purpose of financing with state funds a white school system.»
To support student outcomes, appropriate uses of public funds, and democratic goals when offering private school vouchers, states can:
It is based on each year's Voucher Program cost to the Tuition Support budget across the state, regardless of the number of vouchers used within the district.
56 — percentage of registered voters in North Carolina who do not support using school vouchers to help parents pay for their children to attend private or religious schools instead of public schools.
39 — percent of registered voters in North Carolina who support using school vouchers to help parents pay for their children to attend private or religious schools instead of public schools.
The second issue, her advocacy of vouchers funded through the use of public tax dollars, may well cloud her desired support of public schools.
Much of that money would go toward the private sector, and DeVos has also been challenged repeatedly for supporting vouchers that allow parents to use government dollars to pay for private, for - profit and religious schools, a cornerstone of Trump's stated plan.
Scenario # 1: DeVos moves quickly to implement President - Elect Trump's plan to use $ 20 billion of federal funds for block grants to states to support vouchers for poor children to attend private schools.
It is based on each year's voucher program cost to the Tuition Support budget across the state, regardless of the number of vouchers used within the district.
Evers, who now opposes the expansion of taxpayer - funded school vouchers in Wisconsin, also once voiced support for them in 2000 — when only students in Milwaukee could use them.
As Peter Cookson and Kristina Berger observed in 2002, «Much of the charter movement is rooted in the same assumptions and philosophy that [voucher advocates John] Chubb and [Terry] Moe use to support their belief that the American public school system should be transformed into a market - based «economy» that forces autonomous, publicly funded schools to compete for students.»
That poll explicitly used the phrase «school vouchers,» finding that 53 percent of likely 2016 voters supported «school vouchers to allow individual parents to use public funds to pay for tuition at private or religious schools.»
That said, it would be interesting to see the results of a single poll that surveys support for school vouchers, both with and without the term used.
Comparing only state choice programs that target low - income families or children in failing schools, tax - credit programs support nearly 3.5 times more students than do vouchers, using about the same amount of money.
Jim Bender, president of the pro-voucher group School Choice Wisconsin, supports closing voucher schools that don't use taxpayer money responsibly but pointed to the difficulty in finding a model for evaluating school performance that various types of schools will accept.
To really understand what school choice means, we need to pull apart the two major components of school choice initiatives: the ability to choose one's school from an array of public, charter, private, and religious options; and the use of vouchers to subsidize these choices with public tax dollars that have historically, and constitutionally in many places, been intended to support public education.
And generations of Democrats, from President John F. Kennedy (who unsuccessfully pushed to use funding from the National Defense Education Act to Catholic and Jewish schools through loans), to Daniel Patrick Moynihan, have supported vouchers.
Sterilisation as a means of controlling the community cat population has been carried out by members of the public using their own resources, with support from the Cat Welfare Society's reimbursement scheme and the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animal's sterilisation voucher scheme for the past 7 years.
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