Sentences with phrase «term labour government»

They were introduced by the first - term Labour government and involve the public sector entering into long - term contracts with private sector companies.

And as we rise to the challenge of change so this coming election will not be a contest for a fourth term Labour government, but for the first Labour government of this new global age.

Nearly three million votes were lost by the end of the first term Labour government alone — one where the government prided itself on sticking to extremely tight Tory spending limits for the first two years.

Not exact matches

Raise interest rates in the U.S. and you could kill the recovery and exacerbate the problem of long - term unemployment, with lasting effects of labour productivity, economic growth and, yes, even government revenues.

Hugh MacDonald Slogan: None Elected experience: MLA for Edmonton - Gold Bar from 1997 to present Background: Since stepping into his role as the opposition labour critic during his first - term and making headlines over the government's shaky handling of rotting pine shakes roofing and lack of whistle - blower protection, Hugh MacDonald earned a reputation as a dogged critic of the Tories.

He called the government a «coalition of chaos» - a term the Conservatives once used to describe a potential pact between Labour, the SNP, and the Greens, and he spoke of the «shambles» that Brexit negotiations have become.

Where this government's failure on growth and jobs has led to their failure on the deficit, the next Labour government will rise to the challenge: action to strengthen the recovery and our economy for the long - term; alongside a tough deficit reduction plan.

The coalition agreement contained plans for fixed parliamentary terms - a Labour and Lib Dem manifesto commitment but not a Tory one - along with details of the emergency procedure for getting a government out if it had lost support.

John Prescott opens debate about how Labour can adapt to «unique challenge» of a third term of government.

So we support the IMF's call, consistent with medium - term fiscal consolidation, for the Government to act to boost capital spending over the next two years — financed by a temporary rise in borrowing as Labour has also urged - to build our way to a stronger recovery.

That is where Labour needs to look not just for short - term tactical opportunities — a chance to split or defeat the government — but also for inspiration.

My point is that the Labour blogosphere is too uncritical of the government on civil liberties - that, in your terms, it contributes to the «political culture and dominant political discourses» that are the driver of the problem, rather than contesting this culture and these discourses.

As we reach the second half of this coalition government's term in power, Umunna has a golden opportunity to build substantial business policies for Labour.

The switch would also see a Labour government give the green light to schools wanting to extend school term lengths - a recent proposal of Gove's - and allow them to change the way they buy their services.

The nub of the question is this: Does Labour think of political success in terms of the return of another majority Labour government?

New Labour's first term did more to reform the British state than any government since 1911.

Or does Labour think in terms of being part of a wider left or centre - left politics and in terms of a future progressive coalition government?

Ed's leadership struggled with the tension between building a new offer of change while also trying not to define ourselves entirely against the preceding three terms of Labour government, in which he played a considerable part.

Welsh Labour today promised to put children and young people at the heart of government if elected for a third term in next week's assembly election.

Tony Blair today vowed that increasing the «personal prosperity» of every person and family in Britain would be at the heart of a third Labour term in government.

It was refreshing to hear Dromey admit that the previous Labour should have done more in terms of housing and that the UK's current housing crisis didn't start in May 2010 when the coalition government came to power.

If the government accepts this change, the impact of Labour finances will be significantly lessened in the short to medium term.

At the start of the Labour government's second term in 2001, Blunkett was promoted to Home Secretary, [23] fulfilling an ambition of his.

Lord Mandelson said Woodley was «passionate» in his view that Government should be spending money to enable Nissan, Honda, Jaguar, «or whoever it is», to retain all their labour during the downturn, however long it lasts, as opposed to making sure that all available cash is spent ensuring that short - term unemployment does not turn into long - term unemployment.

«Returning to fiscal reality after the Labour government's huge spending spree is clearly necessary, but the overall fall in real terms spending will be modest.

A Labour government in power now would banish long - term unemployment among the young, Ed Miliband has promised.

So building on the success of Labour's Future Jobs Fund — so short - sightedly scrapped by this government — we will introduce a Compulsory Jobs Guarantee for young people and the long - term unemployed.

He fascinates me, partly because of all the Labour gang, he's the one who's most obviously the lawyer, and so many of the things that his government did were extraordinary in legal terms.

Whatever people may think of New Labour's achievements, faults and mistakes, there is an enormous difference between the timidity with which a government with a majority of 170 + proceeded in its first term, carefully implementing its incremental manifesto but always looking over its shoulder in search of the «daily mandate», and the astonishing bullishness of this Coalition despite the hung parliament.

The vote in 2007 was itself an FPTP vote on the future of the Lords, rather than a preferential vote, and I remember it being couched in no uncertain terms at the time as 100 % being the obstreperous option that would result in Lords reform progressing the slowest; indeed, despite wide - ranging support in the Commons for 100 % elected Lords, the Labour government indeed made no progress whatsoever on such legislation.

There have been signs that the Government is backtracking on the idea, but ministers at today's session stood by the principle, even if they dispute the use of the term «regional pay» as you can see in this exchange between Labour's David Hanson and Wales Office Minister David Jones MP.

But if Labour can regain some collective composure and start addressing the electorate instead of itself, it may still salvage a year of dignified government from the wreckage of this parliamentary term.

That by trimming their sails to policies that are anathema to many inside the party — and a betrayal of all the bold, good things that were achieved in terms of domestic policy by the Blair / Brown Labour governments — they have caused swaths of the party's supporters to turn away in bewilderment and disgust.

In a speech to the Welsh Labour conference in Swansea, he'll announce that the Welsh Government would be given responsibility for the Work Programme, which is aimed at the long term unemployed, if Labour gains power at Westminster.

«Ghana Statistical Service, which provides employment and other labour market data, suffers similar neglect, in terms of access to funds from Government of Ghana.

In the 2005 general election, Labour was re-elected for a third term, but with a reduced majority of 66 and popular vote of only 35.2 %, the lowest percentage of any majority government in British history.

Interviewed on Today this morning the Transport Secretary, Philip Hammond, said that the terms of the initial contract had been set by the last Labour government in 2008 and there was no option but to award Siemens the contract given that it made the «highest value for money bid».

The Welsh Liberal Democrats Housing Spokesperson, Peter Black, has called on the Welsh Labour Government to use the last week of the Assembly term to focus on tackling the growing gap between England and Wales in terms of help offered to first time buyers to get onto the housing ladder.

But it is no coincidence that a Conservative administration, hardly famous for craving constitutional modernisation, has chosen as a matter of priority to enact changes that damage the Labour party's prospects of electoral recovery and lay the foundations for a long - term Conservative monopoly on government.

It is also stronger than the previous Labour government's Future Jobs Fund, which offered six months» work to the long - term jobless.

This would be double the Labour Government's target for the current term.

«The simple fact is that the Welsh Labour Government has nothing in the way of a long - term economic strategy, no joined - up plan on how to create jobs and invest in infrastructure.

If current predictions are correct, it's more than likely that a Labour government will be formed despite having failed to emerge as the largest party in either England or Scotland in terms of votes or seats.

Under the leadership of Tony Blair, the governing Labour Party was re-elected to serve a second term in government with another landslide victory, returning 413 of the 418 seats won by the party in the previous general election, a net loss of 5 seats, though with significantly lower turnout than before — 59.4 %, compared to 71.3 % in the previous election.

The more seats a party or grouping has, the more chance it has of forming a government - with 198 seats out of 646 the Conservative Party could only form a government if significant numbers of other MP's decided to back them, as happened in 1924 when there was a situation that the Conservatives didn't want to form a coalition with either other main party and equally the Liberals didn't want a coalition with Labour and the Liberals and Conservatives saw it as an opportunity to allow Labour into government but in a situation in which legislation was still reliant on Liberal and Conservative votes and they could be brought down at the most suitable time, supposing the notional gains were accurate and in the improbable event of the next election going exactly the same way in terms of votes then 214 out of 650 is 32.93 % of seats compared to at 198 out of 646 seats - 30.65 % of seats and the Conservative Party would then be 14 seats closer towards a total neccessary to form a government allowing for the greater number of seats, on the one hand the Conservatives need Labour to fail but equally they need to succeed themselves given that the Liberal Democrats appear likely to oppose anyone forming a government who does not embark on a serious programme to introduce PR, in addition PC & SNP would expect moves towards Independence for Scotland and Wales, the SDLP will be likely to back Labour and equally UKIP would want a committment to withdraw from Europe and anyway will be likely to be in small numbers if any, pretty much that leaves cutting a deal with the DUP which would only add the backing of an extra 10 - 13 MP's.

Through an investment of # 2.3 bn per year to provide financial support for households to insulate their homes, and for local authorities to drive take up and delivery of insulation schemes, the next Labour government will drastically improve energy efficiency, bringing 4 million homes up to Energy Performance Certificate (EPC) C by the end of a parliamentary term.

But for all the bluster, the partisan reporting appears to have had little impact on the campaigns; both Labour and the Conservatives are locked in the low to mid-30s in terms of party support and polls are predicting neither party will have enough seats to form a government alone.

The Public and Commercial Services Union, led by their Trotskyist General Secretary Mark Serwotka, challenged the plan and won on a technicality involving the staff handbook terms agreed by the last Labour Government which will now be changed.

Charting what he terms the «soap - opera» years of the Labour government, his book continues to ruffle feathers with an updated preface bringing the story up to the tempestuous present.

The Conservatives and Labour are virtually tied in terms of being seen as the party that would be most effective in getting good value for the public money it would spend in government: 38 % choose the Conservatives and 36 % Labour.