While the exact application of
the term civil religion can be debated, the ubiquity of what can be called «the religio - political problem» can hardly be doubted.
Not exact matches
Sociologist Robert Bellah first applied the
term «
civil religion» to American politics in a 1967 essay.
Social - Gospel advocates in the early twentieth century and their mainline children continued to view Christianity's role in the project of American
civil religion in
terms of the social impact of its moral vision.
Madison's implicit assumption, and that of the entire tradition of religious toleration until the last few decades, however, was that religious diversity and conflict would involve competing sects that differ on some important questions of doctrine and practice but nonetheless share in common a basic Judeo - Christian orientation that is also, in very broad
terms, our society's implicit
civil religion.
In Habits of the Heart (1985) the
term «
civil religion» does not appear.
The meaning of every key
term in the
civil religion — certainly liberty and the pursuit of happiness, but also equality and even life — differs in those two perspectives.18
But in taking the
term «
civil religion» from Rousseau's Social Contract I was also bringing in a much more general concept, common in America in the eighteenth century but by no means specifically American.
If we can see the connection between general
civil religion and virtue defined as concern for the common good, we can begin to see the connections between general
civil religion and special
civil religion, for special
civil religion defines the norms in
terms of which the common good is conceived.
When I use the
term «
civil religion» I am pointing to that revolution in the minds of men that John Adams argued was the real Revolution in America.
Of these contemporary heresies,
civil religion, or what Douthat
terms «political theology,» emerges as perhaps the most heretical betrayal of Christianity because it encourages Americans to believe that patriotism is, in its essence, a Christian enterprise.
Yet having little in the way of any «theology» independent of the state, they are not fully
civil religions in Rousseau's meaning of that
term.
Although the two quasi-
civil religions (ecclesiastical legitimacy and nationalism phrased in sacred
terms) were historical options Mexico might have elected, the Rousseau - type
civil religion must now be regarded as remote indeed.
America's public faith (a
term I prefer to «
civil religion») emerged precisely because denominationalism could be tolerated only if a creative relationship to the larger political and cultural dimensions of religious necessity were maintained.
First, the qualities of American
civil religion must be seen in
terms of their boundary posturing functions in relation to other dominant world powers.
More neutral
terms such as «political
religion» or «
religion of the republic» or «public piety» would not have churned up the profound empirical ambiguities «
civil religion,» with its two thousand years of historical resonance, inevitably did.
I shall turn from external speculation and from the introduction of tendentious
terms like «
civil religion» to the way the tradition has understood itself.
The founders of this republic had read most of those theorists and were concerned with the problem, even though they did not use the
term.2 The difficult arises because for most of those two thousand years there has been a profound antipathy, indeed an utter incompatibility, between
civil religion and Christianity.
Yet Jefferson's hope for a national turn to Unitarianism as the dominant
religion, a turn that would have integrated public theology and the formal
civil religion much more intimately than was actually the case, was disappointed and public theology was carried out predominantly in
terms of biblical symbolism.
The
term «
civil religion» has spread far beyond any coherent concept thereof, or at least beyond anything I ever meant by the
term.
The text is employed to speak of national «revival,» defined in
terms of renewed
civil religion and moral awakening.
Too complicated to be identified with Shintõ alone, the halo of symbols and slogans and emotions which congealed around Japan in those years would better be denoted by some more general
term such as «
civil religion.»
While Rousseau is generally credited with coining the
term «
civil religion,» analysis of
civil religion in sociology has been influenced more by Emile Durkheim.
There is warrant for this broader usage in the origin of the
term itself, in that «
civil religion» is pretty clearly an outgrowth of the
term «
civil theology» that Augustine used to characterize the
religion of pre-Christian Rome.5 That
religion was, in
terms of my typology, distinctly archaic.
Dr. Bellah clarifies the
term «
civil religion» and how the principle has worked out in our history, and he discusses the confusion about the nature of the American republic.
«Liberty» is as close as we get to an ethical norm, and that
term is deeply ambiguous, depending on whether it is, in John Winthrop's words, freedom to do the just and the good (Christian freedom) or freedom to do what you list (the freedom of natural man).10 While American
civil religion remained extremely vague with respect to particular values and virtues, the public theology that fleshed it out and made it convincing to ordinary people used it with more explicitly Christian, particularly Protestant, values.
Whether we wish to call all such forms of institutionalization
civil religions or confine that
term to only some of such forms, it is here that we must locate the problem of
civil religion.
Indeed, through the pressure of such groups as the American
Civil Liberty Union, philosophical liberalism is rapidly becoming our orthodox civil religion, if I may indulge in a contradiction in terms, and traditional American views of the relation of religion and society are declared unconstituti
Civil Liberty Union, philosophical liberalism is rapidly becoming our orthodox
civil religion, if I may indulge in a contradiction in terms, and traditional American views of the relation of religion and society are declared unconstituti
civil religion, if I may indulge in a contradiction in
terms, and traditional American views of the relation of
religion and society are declared unconstitutional.
In a set of resolutions submitted by Madison to the First Congress we find the
term «rights of conscience» as a third item after the prohibition of the abridgment of
civil rights on account of religious belief and the prohibition of the establishment of a «national
religion.»