Sentences with phrase «testing policies and programs»

However, its testing policies and programs have been struck down by human rights commissions, the courts and arbitrators in several decisions, including Entrop v. Imperial Oil Limited (2000), 189 D.L.R. (4th) 14 (Ont.

Even if drug and alcohol testing policies and programs discriminate based on addictions or perceived addictions, the Policy states that policies and programs may be justifiable if an employer can show that the testing provisions are bona fide (legitimate) requirements of the job.

The Policy is structured to explain where testing policies and programs may be unlawfully discriminatory and where they may be justified.

Not exact matches

Other than making vague promises to place more police officers on the streets, encouraging DNA testing for death - row inmates and calling for the need to reduce recidivism by investing in «proven community - based law - enforcement programs,» the Democrats» policy solutions over the past eight years have done little to dismantle the carceral state that they helped create.

The Executive Education program gave this new policy a six month test run and then surveyed employees to see how it worked out.

The apparent misunderstanding arose after Anthony House, a public policy and communications senior manager at Google, spoke of testing an anti-radicalization program at a hearing before the United Kingdom's parliament on Tuesday.

The university is expected to be charged with a «failure to monitor» for part of its athletics program, according to sources, who told NJ Advance Media other possible violations include allegations of wrongdoing with regards to football recruits and the program's recruiting host / hostess program as well as what's been described by sources as «inconsistencies» in the administration of the athletic department's drug testing procedures and policies.

A better, tried - and - tested method through congress is to make certain (significant) aspects of federal funding of local police forces contingent upon compliance with a camera program / policy.

Four non-parties to the treaty are known or believed to possess nuclear weapons: India, Pakistan and North Korea have openly tested and declared that they possess nuclear weapons, while Israel has had a policy of opacity regarding its own nuclear weapons program.

«We are proud of our industry leading capabilities such as our unparalleled State investments, cutting - edge research in both UAS technology and UAS policy, and our proven New York test site team all of which are the basis of our comprehensive UAS integration pilot - program proposal,» Major General Marke F. (Hoot) Gibson (ret), CEO of the NUAIR Alliance, contended in the release.

He says this comes from increasing pressure from policy - makers and administrators, budget cuts to already underfunded programs, unreliable teacher evaluations, mandated testing, and a myriad of other burdens.

The authors conclude by offering eight recommendations for employers, ranging from suggestions for effective drug - testing and employee - education programs to policies regarding off - work use of marijuana.

College communities make sense as test beds for gigabit networks because they include highly concentrated population of heavy Internet users as well as institutions already connected to Internet2, National LambdaRail (NLR) and other high - speed Internet backbones, says Gig.U Program Director Elise Kohn, a former policy advisor in the FCC's Wireline Competition Bureau.

North Carolina's investment in early child care and education programs resulted in higher test scores, less grade retention and fewer special education placements through fifth grade, research from the Duke Center for Child and Family Policy finds.

Oregon Health Authority Helping people and communities achieve optimum physical, mental and social well - being The NCAA drug - testing program, along with clear policies and effective education, protects student - athletes who play by the rules by playing clean.

I've written about this at greater length elsewhere (see here and here), but we have eight rigorous studies of school choice programs in which the long - term outcomes of those policies do not align with their short - term achievement test results.

I think tests have very limited potential in guiding distant policymakers, regulators, portfolio managers, foundation officials, and other policy elites in identifying with confidence which schools are good or bad, ought to be opened, expanded, or closed, and which programs are working or failing.

Even if we ignore the fact that most portfolio managers, regulators, and other policy makers rely on the level of test scores (rather than gains) to gauge quality, math and reading achievement results are not particularly reliable indicators of whether teachers, schools, and programs are improving later - life outcomes for students.

However, if raising overall test - score performance and addressing the achievement gap are to be the main focus of federal policy, it is foolish to have a panoply of programs that direct state and local officials toward a host of other priorities, distracting them from their core mission.

So, I think almost every credible researcher would agree that the vast majority of ways in which test scores are used by policymakers, regulators, portfolio managers, foundation officials, and other policy elites can not be reliable indicators of the ability of schools or programs to improve later life outcomes.

«NAPLAN is a point - in - time test of a just a few, albeit important — subjects which can be compared to the same data collected at other times and around Australia, to help work out, among other things and alongside other data, the effects of different education programs and policies, and the places where additional resources could make the greatest impact.

If even rigorous research fails to show a consistent relationship between test scores and later success, why would we think that regulators and policy makers with less rigorous approaches to test scores could use them to reliably identify school and program quality?

Coincidentally, that places the United States in 32nd place among the 65 nations of the world that participated in PISA, the math test administered by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), my colleagues and I report today in a research paper available at Harvard's Program on Education Policy and Governance.

The overarching goal of this effort is to leverage new knowledge in the service of generating and testing innovative intervention models to produce substantially greater impacts on learning, behavior, and health outcomes than existing programs and policies, particularly for the most disadvantaged children and families.

Those efforts must be supplemented by strategies linked to knowledge - based theories of change and a new generation of programs, communities, and states that are willing to co-design and test new approaches that will play a critical role in creating the future of early childhood policy and practice.

A 1999 study by the Center for Research in Educational Policy at the University of Memphis and University of Tennessee at Knoxville found that students using the Co-nect program, which emphasizes project - based learning and technology, improved test scores in all subject areas over a two - year period on the Tennessee Value - Added Assessment System.

Outside of school, policy makers and the media are no longer heard judging programs, schools, school districts, or states solely on the basis of test scores.

Parents, educators, and taxpayers surveyed by the Public Policy Forum in Milwaukee cited a range of guidelines, from reporting test scores and teacher qualifications to oversight by an independent board, they believe are necessary to oversee choice programs involving private schools.

Most states have already dramatically increased their spending on education and have poured considerable resources into testing programs - changes driven by earlier federal initiatives, state - level policy, and court decisions, not NCLB.

Not only have newspapers alleged cheating at a few specific schools in the District of Columbia during Michelle Rhee's tenure as Chancellor of Schools for the District of Columbia, but Alan Ginsburg, a former director of Policy and Program Studies in the U. S. Department of Education, claims that the results from the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), a test where cheating is improbable, reveal her to have been no more effective than her predecessors.

However, because such a policy is likely to be controversial in a country dedicated to open access, and might have unintended effects, it would be best to test it out in a small - scale program, under a state waiver as allowed by the president's proposed Race to the Top Fund for higher education.

In a conference paper presented at Harvard University's Program on Education Policy and Governance on April 19, we subject our initial findings to a variety of robustness tests, all of which they pass.

Since that time Dr. Paul E. Peterson, a Harvard political scientist who directs the university's Program on Education Policy and Governance, has rated the tests used by various states.

The primary claim of this Harvard Program on Education Policy and Governance report and the abridged Education Next version is that nations «that pay teachers on their performance score higher on PISA tests.»

To argue that she has been even moderately successful with her approach, we would have to ignore the legitimate concerns of local and national charter reformers who know the city well, and ignore the possibility that Detroit charters are taking advantage of loose oversight by cherry - picking students, and ignore the very low test score growth in Detroit compared with other cities on the urban NAEP, and ignore the policy alternatives that seem to work better (for example, closing low - performing charter schools), and ignore the very low scores to which Detroit charters are being compared, and ignore the negative effects of virtual schools, and ignore the negative effects of the only statewide voucher programs that provide the best comparisons with DeVos's national agenda.

Amendments to the voucher bill - requiring that private schools have nondiscriminatory admissions and hiring policies; that voucher recipients take the Colorado Student Assessment Program test; and that some funding remain with school districts to cover fixed costs - also helped to earn the Children's Campaign's support.

The reviewer states: «The primary claim of this Harvard Program on Education Policy and Governance report and the abridged Education Next version is that nations «that pay teachers on their performance score higher on PISA tests.»

While state education agencies are responsible for implementing federal programs, in many states the governor and the legislature, not the chief state school officer and the state education agency, are in charge of testing and accountability policy.

After an intense application process (in which I never again want to mention the three - letter word for standardized test to obtain graduate school admission) * and huge amounts of good luck, it's still incredible to think I'm now writing to you in my apartment from Cambridge, Massachusetts where I've been since September as a student in the International Education Policy program of the Masters of Education.

Contemporary accountability policies have created the added expectation that districts will differentiate support to schools on the basis of achievement results from state testing programs and other accountability measures, with particular attention to be given to schools where large numbers of students are not meeting standards of proficiency.

One study in Washington State, for instance, showed that programs that offered coaching had significantly lower teacher turnover, as well as higher quality ratings.Kimberly Boller et al., Seeds to Success Modified Field Test: Findings from the Outcomes and Implementation Studies (Princeton, NJ: Mathematica Policy Research, 2010).

A 2017 multi-state review of voucher programs by Carnoy with the Economic Policy Institute found that students in voucher programs scored significantly lower than traditional public school students on reading and math tests and found no significant effect of vouchers leading to improved public school performance.

At a minimum, they used this sort of data in compliance with policy requirements for reporting student test results and for allocating students and district resources to categorically prescribed programs, such as Title I. Less frequently, school and district personnel used background information for help in interpreting student and school performance data.

The Administration's initiative is merely an attempt to buy time for the implementation of another round of counter-productive federal policies that double down on the failure of the past decade of test - and - punish programs.

A study released today by Mathematica Policy Research Inc. shows no evidence that the Chicago Teacher Advancement Program improved student math and reading tests when compared with a group of similar schools that did not use the system, Education Week reported.

This test is one of the California Standards Tests administered as part of the Standardized Testing and Reporting (STAR) Program under policies set by the State Board of Education.

These included a strong vision of and value for public education in which almost Finnish children participate as the creator of Finland's future society; resulting high status for the country's teaching profession whose members are stringently selected through rigorous university - based teacher education programs that confer Masters degrees on all of them; a widespread culture of collaboration in curriculum development among teachers in each school district; an equally robust culture of collaboration among all partners in strong local municipalities where most curriculum and other policy decisions are made; and a system of widespread cooperation and trust instead of US - style test - based accountability.

Conditional acceptance policies and programs, however, must include supports for remediation and receive approval from RIDE.104 Rhode Island takes these requirements further than most states, joining only Delaware in articulating clear state policy that requires higher GPA and standardized test scores outright.105

Only about one - quarter of public school teachers believe their states» standardized tests provide «good» or «excellent» information about school quality, according to a 2009 survey co-sponsored by the journal Education Next and the Program on Education Policy and Governance at Harvard University.

Mark Anderson, assistant professor in the Montana State University Department of Agricultural Economics and Economics and Mary Beth Walker, professor and dean with the Andrew Young School of Policy Studies at Georgia State University, examined elementary school test score data on the Colorado Student Assessment Program (CSAP) from 2001 - 2010 across the state's rural districts, fifteen of which operated on a four - day week.