How about disinformation about the nature of the scientific institutions, e.g. «there are 12 more liberal scientists
than conservative ones, and yet libtards are doing more harm than right wing nuts»?
However, you should be quicker to sell aggressive stocks
than conservative ones.
I know that sounds weird, but I prefer seeing young girls in wilder styles rather
than conservative ones.
It is a stark fact that Labour seats have fewer electors
than Conservative ones — in 1997 5200 fewer, in 2001 6400 fewer and in 2005 6200 fewer.
Or, they should have been American intellectuals rather
than conservative ones, more concerned with people than with ideas.
Not exact matches
That's because, rather
than handing the capital over to any
one of 17 government agencies with a finger in the innovation pie, or giving the money to the Business Development Bank of Canada, which deployed just $ 408 million of its $ 18.4 billion balance sheet to the venture capital industry, the
Conservatives have decided to invest that money directly in entrepreneurs.
Resnick said that «pension funds are
conservative investors and the things they buy aren't kicking off yield» that would justify higher investment targets
than the
ones they are setting now.
Kashuv has become part of a culture war far bigger and older
than him taking place between liberals and
conservatives over
one of the most divisive issues in America.
So, generally, the biggest deltas are,
one, a little bit weaker on the handset side; two, a little more
conservative modeling of what happens later in the year
than what we had, which frankly is not, again, just to drive that point home, nobody knows how many people are going to buy a new handset when it's launched on the market — not us, not our customers, not analysts, or you name it.
With the next federal election less
than one year away, the
Conservative Party of Canada is close to nominating a full slate of candidates in Alberta's 34 newly redrawn ridings.
Tory platform says no Brexit deal better
than bad
one UK prime minister Theresa May unveiled the
Conservative Party manifesto on Thursday, setting the stage for the general election on 8 June.
IMHO, there tends to be little electoral overlap between the provincial and federal levels, at least in this province, and in fact the vote splits between right, left and centre are quite different with
one unified
Conservative party (more aligned with Wildrose
than with Alberta PC), and a not - quite - as - moribund Liberal party in play.
As Mr. Prentice tries to scare
conservatives into re-electing his party to a 13th term in government,
one poll conducted by ThinkHQ shows most Albertans surveyed said they were more afraid of a re-elected PC government
than a Wildrose or NDP government.
Active (that is, regularly churchgoing), married
conservative Protestant fathers have more
one - on -
one interaction with their children
than do mainline Protestants,
conservative Protestants who seldom attend church, or the religiously unaffiliated.
Wilcox reports that Christian
conservative fathers, at least the
ones who attend church frequently, are actually far more affectionate with and emotionally invested in their wives and children
than are their counterparts among either mainline Protestants or the unchurched.
We have to admit that more
than one of today's
conservatives who worry about national defense have spoken well of TR and even Woodrow Wilson, as contrasts to BO.
«So at this point, traditional Mormons, evangelical Protestants and
conservative Catholics have more in common with
one another politically
than they do with the more liberal elements within their respective churches.»
One major reason that institutions are inherently
conservative is that continuing in existing ruts is far easier and less demanding
than asking searching questions and allowing ourselves to be reshaped by the answers.
No
one has done more to create a modern
conservative agenda
than Yuval Levin, and not every
conservative politician is as obtuse as Cruz.
Both
conservatives and progressives ought to understand that the reality which is lived in the Church in love and humility is better
than a possibility for which both parties rightly fight, so that
one thing may become reality which will then be the truly Christian thing for both.
When I talk to my good friend who is a very
conservative Catholic who views taking communion as sacred and every crumb is representative of Christ's body and not
one crumb will drop... then compare it to how we do it at church... everyone ripping bread from the same loaf, crumbs everywhere, kids spilling the «wine»... does it really matter... is
one more right
than the other...
one upholds church law on how communion will be performed versus our laid back version.
I mean, obviously, to support those who think of the future usefulness of these bodies, and of their federative structures, in «gathered - church» more
than in «churchly» terms — at that juncture I agree with Dean Kelley (Why
Conservative Churches Are Growing [Harper & Row, 1972]-RRB- To put this concretely, let me offer just
one example.
The religious
ones are far less
conservative than the southern schools.
One frequently cited bar graph has been used to suggest, for the decade 1965 - 75, a severe diminution of seven mainline Protestant bodies by contrast both with their gains in the preceding ten years and with the continuing growth of selected
conservative churches (see Jackson W. Carroll et al., Religion in America, 1950 to the Present [Harper & Row, 19791, p. 15) The gap in growth rates for 1965 - 75, as shown on that graph, is more
than 29 percentage points (an average loss in the oldline denominations of 8.9 per cent against average gains among the
conservatives of 20.5 per cent) This is indeed a substantial difference, but it does not approach the difference in growth rates recorded for the same religious groups in the 1930s, when the discrepancy amounted to 62 percentage points.
For
one thing, Francis has the temerity to take the science of climate change seriously, which is the sort of thing that can send a Wall Street Journal
conservative frantically groping for his smelling salts, but which I can not help thinking is slightly saner
than clinging to the politically inflected obfuscations of the data that so many in the developed world use to calm their digestions and consciences.
A friend of
one of the journalists pushing the wedge narrative remarked to me, «Sometimes he hates
conservatives more
than he loves the Church.»
But it is not the case that this freedom is complete or even that it is greater in secular institutions
than in church
ones, except for those of very
conservative churches.
One day soon Christian
conservatives are going to realize that America likes gays more
than them.
One key group is Christians United for Israel, which has more
than a million members and politically
conservative leaders who have expressed disappointment over Obama's sometimes tense relationship with Israel.
It is easy enough to be
one of many sorts of
conservative rather
than argue about the singular definition of conservatism, or help a unified
conservative movement to victory via some scintillating white paper.
No Pomocon can want broader Porcher success if its literary «damn - modernity» spirit, which stands to hurt
conservative politicians more
than liberal
ones, becomes its dominant spirit.)
Less
than artful Democrats can accomplish a lot in the absence of any genuine
conservative leadership and
one myth being advertised by Democrats I actually wish was true is the existence of focused and organized opposition on the part of
conservatives who demand, if nothing else, a transparent national debate.
Wishing for a history other
than the
one we have been given is not ordinarily the kind of thing that
conservatives do.
Even a parrot echoing the
conservative talking points would get better ratings in fox
than any
one from cnn, msnbc, NPR, AJ etc..
«There are, by
conservative estimate, more
than one million Americans who were born alive and are with us today, who would have been aborted if the Hyde Amendment had not been in place,» Douglas Johnson, NRLC legislative director, testified in Congress in 2011.
If the
conservative churches are producing more personal religious vitality
than the others, the explanation is not likely to be found in
one quarter only.
As Michael S. Rose put it in the generallyantiliberal New Oxford Review, Vows of Silence should be
one of the most important books in more
than a decade for
conservative Catholics in the U.S. and beyond.
Most people today categorize political divisions into the binary categories of liberal and
conservative (another
one of those jejune, digital pigeonholes that function more to preclude thought
than to promote it).
What follows from this is
one's commitment to a whole host of ideas and proposals which, despite the fact that they represent a major departure from what has been the dominant American ethos for more
than half a century, are called
conservative.
Nevertheless, it seems to me as a Protestant outsider that, when
one sets Newman in the context of his brothers, the
conservative interpretation is surely strengthened: John, Charles, and Frank were all responding to the same challenges to authority; in juxtaposing them, it is clear that it was the paths of the other two brothers which represented that of private conscience and there seems no reasonable way to interpret Newman's move to Rome as anything other
than a decisive rejection of such a move in all of its forms, even the moderately Christian.
In part for these reasons, the Southern Kingdom was always culturally and religiously more homogeneous and
conservative than Israel, and the continuity, with
one brief interruption, of the Davidic rule provided a political stability never known in Israel.
More
conservative theologians, on the other hand, believed that his constant criticisms of Bibelglaube (faith in the Bible rather
than the
one to whom the Bible witnesses), «credo - Credo» (intellectual assent to the tenets of the Creed) and faith as a bloss Fürwahrhalten etner Lehre (a mere holding of certain doctrines to be true) risked throwing the baby out with the bath water.
I don't know what all this stuff is about older people being more
conservative than young
ones.
I hear «heresy» used in a joking manner more
than a serious
one, as most younger Christians have been so inundated by the word to refer to any deviation from «traditional» (read:
conservative) Christianity that they are inoculated from the possibility that heresy is a real and dangerous thing to avoid.
Again... being
conservative does not make
one evil no more
than being liberal makes
one good.
I for
one applaud a pope who is more concerned with religion
than politics and tries to understand those who disagree with him instead of flinging hatred at them as the
conservatives are wont to do.
As more
than one Conservative leader has somberly noted, our failures become Reform Jews and our successes become Orthodox.
Not surprisingly,
conservative commentators are having a «nanny state» field day, especially since this news breaks so soon after Bloomberg's proposed ban on sodas sold in large containers (with
one wag facetiously worrying about babies requiring more
than 16 ounces of formula.)
Even the right - wing
conservative behemoth Focus on the Family, not exactly fans of any kind family other
than a nuclear
one, has a Blended Families page on its website, where the organization concedes that «with the right resources and the help from God, family, and friends, your step - family can find encouragement and hope.»
One Conservative line of attack has been to switch the attention to those in «severe» poverty, defined as those with incomes less
than 40 % of the median.