Political parties increasingly resemble empty brands, seeking a reason to exist, rather
than political movements.
It is more
than a political movement now.
Not exact matches
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In Parkland, «while the students and parents speaking up were no more passionate
than the young people of, say, the Black Lives Matter
movement, it was clear that the
political establishment was going to receive them a different way,» New Yorker contributor Emily Witt noted last week.
It's one poll, but for a gun - control
movement anxious to turn the tragedy in Parkland, Fla., into action to prevent further bloodshed, it suggests the
political backdrop is more favorable
than at any point in the past decade.
Similarly, a black theology of liberation or a feminist theology of liberation may, like the university theology its proponents criticize, be little more
than ideological expressions of autonomous
political movements that owe no fundamental allegiance to the Christian vision.
«the waning
political influence of the
movement is now more
than apparent» I sure hope so.
Yet the value - revolution which the Jesus
movement called for entailed more
than just a switching of chairs in the
political paradigm.
A heyschast shift in evangelicalism, into the depths of spiritual silence instead of out into imagined
political glory, would be less a retreat back into Fundamentalism
than a maturation of the
movement in an hour of exceptional need.
For the average Protestant, Christianity was less a
political movement, an affair of the community and the state, and more a matter of individual experience and commitment
than even at the height of the Reformation.
In describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in
political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the
movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent
political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level
than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and state.
It seems likely that without the drastic disruptions resulting from the First World War activism would have remained little more
than a literary mood and Fascism as a major
political movement would never have been born.
The world views Christianity as more of an angry
political activist
movement than a spiritual organization devoted to handing out hope and healing to a hurting world.
They firmly believe technology is «inevitable» and more powerful
than any
political institution, party, or
movement.
However it is only now, more
than four weeks after the beginning of the protests, that the leaders of this protest
movement are starting to formulate a clear list of aims to counter those of the government's team of 40 ministers and
political professionals.
Today, «without the umbrella of an established insurgent
movement, the risks for women's
political activism are higher
than they have ever been.»
First, let's think about what the
movement has accomplished so far: nothing less
than a reshaping of our national
political discourse.
So, most likely, the Calexit
movement is nothing more
than a
political stunt promulgated by a faction within state government for
political reasons internal to California state politics.
(+1) @notstoreboughtdirt makes a good point but this answer also adds something missing from the accepted answer: Existing member states will have to agree and their own separatist
movements and other
political interests will weigh heavily on their decision, probably much more
than any of the formal criteria or, possibly, Spain's own position.
«In this Internet era, it's not enough to run a campaign; you need to lead a
movement,» Mindy Finn, a Republican online
political operative, told me less
than three days after the election.
Uncharacteristically silent since the results started trickling in in the early hours of Monday morning, Grillo has not yet commented publicly on what for his
movement could prove a huge blow — even if some observers pointed out that, for a
political formation fighting its first European elections, a showing of more
than 20 % and placing second was nothing to sniff at.
The Green Party is the only independent
political party initiative coming out of the New Left
movements to have sustained itself for more
than three decades over many election cycles.
But
movement politics is more
than an electoral tool for him; it's also a fundamental component of his
political programme.
I think in fairness to Steve Hart, Unite's strategy makes union backed candidates from a broader social background part of their
political strategy, but certainly not the end of it: At the Unite meeting at Labour Conference, Jon Trickett & Len McCluskey made the case for Unite & Labour developing MP's from down to earth backgrounds, but linked this very much to having policies that adress the needs of working class voters: The Unite strategy is fairly broad, including recruitng union members to Labour, developing MP's (who as McCluskey are backed because they «reflect the values of the union
movement» — rather
than just being from a particular social class), and supporting the CLASS think tank to develop policy — I did a write up of this meeting for the Morning Star (and a rival Progress one), which may be of interest (I think it will appear if you click on my name)
I became politicized later on, mainly by Americans who had left the US as a result of the Vietnam war and ended up my professors at Waterloo University and the University of Toronto, although admittedly this was a New Left politicization, with identity politics, civil rights and new social
movements (feminism, gay rights, immigrant rights) displacing rather
than integrating into much of the previous class - based
political formations.
By failing to offer more advantaged families any benefits, the charter
movement then loses their
political support, and advantaged families have much more
political power
than disadvantaged families.
Rather
than declare that charters are a universal solution, proponents might see that moving into affluent communities deflates the moral high ground they have used to
political advantage in their characterization of charters as part of the new civil rights
movement.
Worse, the best
political spin that the reformers could come up with was that after privatizing virtually the entire education system in New Orleans, and giving the corporate education
movement total control of the city, the «average composite score on the ACT for students in the Recovery School District (RSD) New Orleans rose by» less
than half a percentage point.
Yet the epic events of the century play out in the lives of the two brothers — wars,
political movements, technological advances — and even though they want nothing more
than to shut out the world, history seems to pass through their cluttered house in the persons of immigrants, prostitutes, society women, government agents, gangsters, jazz musicians... and their housebound lives are fraught with odyssean peril as they struggle to survive and create meaning for themselves.
Hyper - radical
political movements, while they sometimes achieve change, usually result in repulsion rather
than legislation.
While more personal, these are no less
political than previously; in his art, Dial's own story is always only part of a larger history, spanning the Jim Crow era in the South and the Civil Rights
movement through such phenomena as the economic globalization and Great Recession of the 21st century, which have disproportionately affected African - Americans.
The idea that black artists were part of a «
movement» is misleading, and the Tate exhibition posits the era as a
political intersection with an art history perspective rather
than as a group of artists working for a common cause.
Feng's paintings were more whimsical and escapist
than those of the
Political Pop
movement of the time — from Wang Guangyi's juxtapositions of Chinese revolutionary workers with Western brand labels to Yu Youhan's Andy Warhol - like renditions of Chairman Mao as Marilyn Monroe — but nevertheless they captured the attention of the same market of predominantly European and American buyers.
Hito Steyerl: Artists Space For a wild look at what «the expanded field of cinema» might mean in the future, look no further
than this brilliantly visual, powerfully
political artist who uses scenes of aircraft boneyards in California, an interview with an eccentric American entrepreneur, and CGI clips, all blended into incredible optical essays about information, power, the
movement of capital, logarithms of the mind, and the human body.
It's more important
than ever to learn from the successes and failures of past
political movements so that we can generate future social change without leaving anyone out.»
Such a future requires non-incremental shifts in policy and behavior, unusual
political, social and corporate partnerships, and needs to be understood in the context of «
movements» rather
than policy shifts.
On the scale of just one or two decades, and sometimes in less time
than that, technological revolutions,
political movements, or singular events can shape the course of history in unpredictable ways.
The resistance felt by the environmental
movement is more likely inertia
than an easily identified
political class or organisation.
If opposition
movements are to do more
than burn bright and then burn out, they will need a comprehensive vision for what should emerge in the place of our failing system, as well as serious
political strategies for how to achieve those goals.
Building on this critique, Speth goes on to conclude in his book that: (1) «today's system of
political economy, referred to here as modern capitalism, is destructive of the environment, and not in a minor way but in a way that profoundly threatens the planet» (2) «the affluent societies have reached or soon will reach the point where, as Keynes put it, the economic problem has been solved... there is enough to go around» (3) «in the more affluent societies, modern capitalism is no longer enhancing human well - being» (4) «the international social
movement for change — which refers to itself as «the irresistible rise of global anti-capitalism» — is stronger
than many imagine and will grow stronger; there is a coalescing of forces: peace, social justice, community, ecology, feminism — a
movement of
movements» (5) «people and groups are busily planting the seeds of change through a host of alternative arrangements, and still other attractive directions for upgrading to a new operating system have been identified» (6) «the end of the Cold War... opens the door... for the questioning of today's capitalism.»
Rather
than mounting a
political case against Environmentalism, they can resort only to dismissing the
movement as a leftist conspiracy and / or to rejecting outright the science that Environmentalism hides behind.
, and have instead created a
political movement rather
than a scientific discussion.
He assembles a short list of blogs and personalities, rather
than demonstrates the existence of a
political movement.
Carla Lowe: We organized CALM four years ago as a
political action committee, we're all volunteers, when we realized that the legalization issue was going to make the California ballot, and we needed to be able to speak out differently
than we have done for 37 years as 501c3 groups, going way back to the late 70s when we founded the very beginning of the basic parent
movement that saw what marijuana was about and what it was doing to our kids.
For Slaw readers younger
than I, Abbie Hoffman was a
political and social activist, a leader of the 1960s counterculture and youth revolution
movements.