ESAs are not the equivalent of cash because the funds are restricted to approved categories of educational expenses, but they do provide families with much greater flexibility in how to spend (or save) the funds
than vouchers do.
Not exact matches
And when states fail to increase their per - child payments to keep pace with market rates, parents find themselves armed with a
voucher than no one will take: Since the child care providers can make more money accepting a child whose parents can afford to pay market rates, that's what they
do.
Recent polls consistently show that African - Americans, especially poorer, inner - city people and those with school - age children favor
vouchers more
than do middle - class whites.
Having
done this kind of work myself for many years in San Francisco, I can
vouch for how frustrating it can be, and yet, as a parent or guardian who really wants to make a difference in nutrition and health for an enormous number of children, there is really no better opportunity
than serving on your local school nutrition parent advisory council.
«By the end of December, coming to January this year, that is last month, we mopped up more
than N2.2 trn which we have used through the bureaucracy system to raise
vouchers and sign cheques so that they don't go into the next budget.»
Mr. Schneiderman said he voted in favor of the
voucher program, which involves providing homeless sex offenders $ 90 a night to stay in a motel, even though he didn't like it because he believed it was a better plan
than the current trailer policy.
And after looking through pretty much every item on the Pixie Market website, I can
vouch that EVERYTHING looks like it costs way more
than it
does.
If it was me paying and using a
voucher, i'd take the bill over to the till or bar and pay there, rather
than doing it at the table.
While Dallas» rate is worse
than most, the challenge is similar in other cities where rents are high and the market is tight: Sometimes
vouchers don't cover the rent or landlords prefer tenants without them.
From James Coleman's early observational studies of high schools to the experimental
voucher evaluations of the past 15 years, researchers have routinely found that similar students
do at least as well and, at times, better academically in private schools
than in public schools.
In theory, the concept might appeal to those who think taxpayers who don't use public schools should get other benefits instead — and to proponents of allowing parents even greater flexibility and choice
than vouchers offer them.
[3] Would poor students using
vouchers to attend private schools
do better
than if they remained in their public systems?
But 56 percent of independents thought teacher unions had «
done more harm
than good,» 54 percent supported school
vouchers, and only 34 percent favored raising teacher salaries, once they had been informed about average salary levels in their state.
Year after year, the results from this second item always show higher support for
vouchers than the «at public expense» item
does.
Either
voucher proponents have very different views of equity
than most citizens, or they don't really view
vouchers as a replacement model for the current public education.
In fact, there have been seven scientifically valid random - assignment analyses of
voucher programs, and all seven found either that all
voucher students perform significantly better
than their nonvoucher contemporaries, or at least that most of them
do (in some studies the results for black students, the majority of participants, are positive, while the results for other students fail to achieve statistical significance).
African Americans expressed higher levels of support for
vouchers than did the population as a whole (57 percent), but support also was 12 percentage points lower among those African Americans told of presidential opposition.
PDK finds much less support for
vouchers than does EdNext, but the wording of the PDK question is strongly biased against
vouchers.
In Chile, students are found in four types of schools: elite schools that
do not accept
vouchers and charge considerably more
than the
voucher; for - profit
voucher schools; nonprofit (usually religious)
voucher schools; and municipal schools.
So, twenty years after the enactment of Milwaukee's program, a growing body of research shows that students receiving
vouchers do as well and often better
than their peers in public schools and at a fraction of the taxpayer cost.
Researchers have shown that Catholic schools are more racially integrated
than public schools and that
voucher programs
do not have an adverse effect on integration.
Still other researchers with national credentials report that low - income
voucher students in Milwaukee graduate from high schools at higher rates
than do public school students.
When Mr. Obama first moved to phase out the D.C.
voucher program in 2009, his Education Department was in possession of a federal study showing that
voucher recipients, who number more
than 3,300, made gains in reading scores and didn't decline in math.
None of the independent studies performed of the most lauded and long standing
voucher programs extant in the U.S. — Milwaukee, Wisconsin; Cleveland, Ohio; and Washington, D.C. — found any statistical evidence that children who utilized
vouchers performed better
than children who
did not and remained in public schools.
Insisting that accountability to parents is enough, they disenfranchise the more
than 70 percent of taxpayers who
do not have school - age children but who would nonetheless pay the
voucher bill.
Still, support for
vouchers does not match public willingness to back tax credits, even though most economists think the difference between
vouchers and tax credits more a matter of style
than substance.
It is generally thought that targeted school
vouchers, i.e.,
vouchers limited to students from low - income families, have more widespread support
than does a universal
voucher program, which would allow any family to make use of a government
voucher to attend a private school.
Though Fordham's accountability plan for
voucher schools is well - intentioned, their justifications are unpersuasive and their proposal is more likely to
do harm
than good.
And in numerous experimental studies,
voucher parents express far more satisfaction with their child's education
than do their public - school counterparts — particularly in areas such as discipline and safety.
Four recent rigorous studies — in the District of Columbia, Louisiana, Indiana, and Ohio — used different research designs and reached the same result: on average, students that use
vouchers to attend private schools
do less well on tests
than similar students that
do not attend private schools.
The four different studies use four different designs but arrive at the same result: on average, students that use
vouchers to attend private schools
do less well on tests
than similar students that
do not attend private schools.
Based on ratings from the organization GreatSchools, the schools participating in the Louisiana
voucher program were not of lesser quality
than those that
did not participate, though the
voucher - accepting schools
did charge lower tuition.
No matter how the question is worded, tax credits elicit higher levels of support
than do school
vouchers (see Figure 9).
Students who won private - school scholarships from the nation's only federally funded school
voucher program were not significantly more or less likely to enroll in college
than students who
did not win a scholarship.
Also, students in
voucher - accepting schools systematically could
do better
than lottery losers and still
vouchers might lower overall system performance.
From a policy - maker's point of voew the important issue is not whether private schools out - perform government schools in the education of students who want out (
voucher applicants), but whether choice systems as a whole perform better
than systems which
do not feature choice.
Allowing for possible differences in student bodies, those students opting out of government schools through a
voucher program on average score better
than those who apply for
vouchers but
do not receive them.
Separate reports on the LSP also found that
voucher students enrolling in private schools were less likely to be identified as requiring special education services and more likely to be de-identified as requiring special education services
than students who
did not participate in the LSP.
In a study published by the National Bureau of Economic Research, researchers Atila Abdulkadiroglu of Duke University, Parag Pathak of MIT, and Christopher Walters of the University of California at Berkeley found that students who received a
voucher through the Louisiana Scholarship Program (LSP) during the 2012 - 13 school year were 50 percent more likely to receive a failing score on the state math test
than students who applied for but
did not receive a
voucher.
What we
do know, with considerable certainty, is that while the percentage of students in the
voucher schools with disabilities is substantially lower
than the disability rate in the public schools, it is at least four times higher
than public officials have claimed.
The study
did find that students who were not in the
voucher program group received more instruction time in both reading and math
than students who were in the program.
The research is clear, these (
vouchers)
do not benefit those students, they
do not benefit those schools, other
than their bottom line, and they hurt public education.
But students who use
vouchers or attend charter schools generally
do no better academically
than comparable students who remain in regular public schools.
But let's also assume many states have much more robust parental choice programs
than they
do now, with
vouchers, tax credit scholarships, charter schools, virtual schools, education savings accounts and a-la-carte course offerings all on the menu.
This requires «accountability» that truly prioritizes parent choice rather
than a bait «n switch to reimpose mass political priorities, as current school
voucher programs
do.
Speaking on background, a staffer for Rep. Sondy Pope, who has been outspoken in her criticism of underwriting private school tuition with
vouchers, said «our caucus as a whole is looking» to
do something even more stringent
than in Racine, but was less
than optimistic about Republicans going along.
However, he doesn't say how he'll
do this (besides offering
vouchers) and he's already spent more money
than he's raised.
Betty Mitchell, head of the school, and five of her relatives and one other woman accepted more
than $ 200,000 in state
voucher money, textbook publishers and even landscapers — all money intended for disabled children who didn't even attend the school.
If a school has more
than 65 percent of its students participating in a
voucher program, the school must administer the state test to every child in the school; parents of children who
do not receive a
voucher may opt out of the state test requirement
Further, the results have often been controversial — for example, Chingos and Peterson's 2012 finding that African American students who use
vouchers are 24 percent more likely to attend college
than African American students who
do not led to a debate (summarized in Inside Higher Ed) between Chingos and Peterson and Goldrick - Rab over whether their findings actually demonstrate that
vouchers improve students» college going.