Sentences with phrase «to academic freedom»

Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban told leaders of his centre - right EU political group on Saturday that he would comply with demands from Brussels to change measures branded an attack on academic freedom, the party said.

Then John Montalbano stepped down as chair of the university's board of governors over the mishandling of a case involving a professor's academic freedom.

It's to send a warning shot at all colleges and universities to restrain academic freedom or risk further economic assaults on higher education,» Wilson wrote for Inside Higher Ed.

But doing so would miss a vital point: the endowment tax is an attack on academic freedom, and it is an attack on all colleges and universities.

They can also accept corporate donations until the sun goes down, all the while proclaiming academic freedom.

The university is defending the economist's academic freedom after several people with homes worth more than $ 3 million sent complaints about him supporting the tax.

All of this occurs, of course, in the name of academic freedom, the guarantee that professors will not be sanctioned for the substance of what they write and teach.

I agree that academic freedom is really important; it ensures that scholarship and teaching are not limited to popular and accepted views.

... If Catholicity at the university level is to remain, Notre Dame had better be prepared to save itself, whether from «secular humanism,» a distorted view of academic freedom, or a goal of becoming [well - regarded] at the cost of its Catholic uniqueness...

David Lutz senses that «a battle for the soul is being waged at Notre Dame» and traces the devolution to the new deity, Academic Freedom.

Such efforts will undoubtedly be hampered by secularized and inadequate notions of academic freedom.

Academic freedom is the freedom to pursue truth in good faith, unimpeded by fear of dismissal by those who wield power.

A culture of bullying has taken over in this area, and the idea of academic freedom, wide enquiry, and genuine debate and analysis is no longer seen as essential in university life.

Contrary to the Harvard Crimson and Pat Deneen, I think academic freedom in the Socratic sense is still defensible in America.

Here the same opportunities for moral and spiritual building and the same dangers to academic freedom are found as are suggested in the preceding paragraph.

The result has led to a strong tension in the report that, as Thomas Lindsey notes, translates into Harvard wanting «to have its relativist cake and eat its academic freedom, too.»

I thought of this recently as I re-read Harvard's report on the humanities «Mapping the Future» in light of the debate over academic freedom that Peter Lawler addressed.

It is in this context that academic freedom finds meaning — it supports a plurality of voices and traditions (past and present) when debating what vision of human life maximizes flourishing, which is the ongoing project of any society that seeks to perpetuate itself.

See «Evangelicalism and Anti-Intellectualism: Blame the Leaders» and «Worthen on Inerrancy and the Evangelical Crisis of Authority» and «Evangelicals and the Uneasy Relationship with Academic Freedom»

But what we need today is a home and an inheritance, not exhortations to defend academic freedom (or other freedoms, for that matter).

And yet, I really question why anyone would want to attend a school that restricts academic freedom like this.

I'm a proponent of academic freedom.

The rationale for academic freedom need not be a view of human nature; it may be put theologically as a matter of faithfulness to God.

As an Enlightenment idea, «academic freedom» is usually associated with a rationale that depends on a particular view of human nature.

Clearly, the issue we are discussing is the one usually characterized as «academic freedom.»

To speak of the matter simply as an issue of academic freedom is to fail to see the complexity of it.

And that question is related to the question of academic freedom.

Hotbeds of intolerance, they deny academic freedom to their staffs and engage in censorship of what their pupils may read or discuss, unlike public schools, which practice a careful neutrality and respect toward all opinions.

The principles of academic freedom and of relative independence for education within the political structure do not exclude or excuse those who teach from active participation in political life.

It is not an easy book to read, and if it had been read and reviewed only in the academic journals, like others of Altizer's books, issues of academic freedom would not have arisen.

The crucial test of academic freedom is not as much the celebrated A.A.U.P. or A.C.L.U. case as it is the daily practice of the professor in classroom

Academic freedom that's officially indifferent to truth or about «the free marketplace of ideas» always serves the forces of progressivist liberation; it implies, as John Stuart Mill seems to teach, a strong bias against truth claims that limit personal freedom or, as our Supreme Court now says, relational autonomy.

There is some difference as to the topics which test the extent of academic freedom in public, private, and church institutions.

The test of academic freedom is the ability of employees of the university to present ideas that are deeply opposed by the constituency that provides its funding.

This is the right usually referred to as academic freedom.

I favor academic freedom, and I would like to see a situation in which professors are supported in their inquiries, however unpopular they may be.

Catholic schools, for example, used to think of academic freedom as in the service of the truth we find in natural law, the truth about abortion, the relational person, and so forth.

Curran is a dissident Catholic moral theologian who was effectively checked by Cardinal James Hickey of Washington when he tried to impose his understanding of academic freedom on Catholic University.

Academic freedom means saying what you want to say and teaching what you want to teach.

The hallowed principles of journalistic, artistic and academic freedom are threatened, they argue, and only a stout defense of the barricades will prevent a «neo-McCarthy» backlash from overwhelming the social and political progress of the last few decades.

What is the alternative: Academic freedom means the freedom to be indifferent to truth and the common good?

Teaching evolution and ridiculing creationism does not test the limits of academic freedom in public or private institutions.

When it is asserted that academic freedom can be limited by the truth, we are no longer talking about freedom but about license.

«Of course it violates academic freedom,» she writes to a friend.

That, if they would only listen to themselves more carefully, is what some advocates of academic freedom are asserting in current debates about Christian higher education.

Of the 1990 apostolic constitution, Ex Corde Ecclesiae, Curran writes: «The document theoretically limits academic freedom by truth and the common good, sees local bishops not as external to the college or university but as participants in the institution, and includes canonical provisions for those who teach theology in Catholic higher education.»

Father Charles Curran writes the long entry on «academic freedom» in Richard McBrien's Encyclopedia of Catholicism.

That first formulation is of particular interest: that academic freedom is limited by truth and the common good.

It will be much harder to do that in the future unless the college administration reverses its present course, calls the faculty and students who have been brutalizing Professor Esolen to order, and reaffirms Providence College's commitment to genuine academic freedom and to a Catholic vision of the human person that challenges the tribalism and identity politics eroding our culture and our politics.

In democratic society it values every individual and maintains academic freedom; in genuinely aristocratic society it seeks to cherish and nurture the excellent persons and to maintain their leadership.