Therefore, we hypothesized that two to five latent classes could be identified in the developmental
trajectory of social skills during early childhood, and that there would be at least one lower social skills group and at least one higher group, in addition to some middle - level groups.
The first goal of the present study was to identify the heterogeneous developmental
trajectories of social skills known to be components of prosocial behavior during early childhood by applying a group - based trajectory approach [14].
The goals of this study were to identify longitudinal profiles of social skills between 2 and 5 years of age using a group - based trajectory approach, and to investigate whether and to what extent parenting practices at 2 years of age predicted developmental
trajectories of social skills during the preschool period.
Although previous studies have already shown that better quality of parental care and family environment is associated with better development of child social skills, the present study sought to examine in detail the specific parenting factors that contribute to more sound developmental
trajectories of social skills.
However, much less is known about the developmental
trajectories of social skills during early childhood, ages 2 to 5.
Citation: Takahashi Y, Okada K, Hoshino T, Anme T (2015) Developmental
Trajectories of Social Skills during Early Childhood and Links to Parenting Practices in a Japanese Sample.
Developmental
trajectories of social skills were estimated using a group - based trajectory model with predictors [14].
After the developmental trajectories are identified, the factors that influence the developmental
trajectories of social skills can then be identified.
Not exact matches
Harvard Graduate School
of Education will work with the Strategic Education Research Partnership and other partners to complete a program
of work designed to a) investigate the predictors
of reading comprehension in 4th - 8th grade students, in particular the role
of skills at perspective - taking, complex reasoning, and academic language in predicting deep comprehension outcomes, b) track developmental
trajectories across the middle grades in perspective - taking, complex reasoning, academic language
skill, and deep comprehension, c) develop and evaluate curricular and pedagogical approaches designed to promote deep comprehension in the content areas in 4th - 8th grades, and d) develop and evaluate an intervention program designed for 6th - 8th grade students reading at 3rd - 4th grade level.The HGSE team will take responsibility, in collaboration with colleagues at other institutions, for the following components
of the proposed work: Instrument development: Pilot data collection using interviews and candidate assessment items, collaboration with DiscoTest colleagues to develop coding
of the pilot data so as to produce well - justified learning sequences for perspective - taking, complex reasoning, academic language
skill, and deep comprehension.Curricular development: HGSE investigators Fischer, Selman, Snow, and Uccelli will contribute to the development
of a discussion - based curriculum for 4th - 5th graders, and to the expansion
of an existing discussion - based curriculum for 6th - 8th graders, with a particular focus on science content (Fischer),
social studies content (Selman), and academic language
skills (Snow & Uccelli).
Relative to children with no ACEs, children who experienced ACEs had increased odds
of having below - average academic
skills including poor literacy
skills, as well as attention problems,
social problems, and aggression, placing them at significant risk for poor school achievement, which is associated with poor health.23 Our study adds to the growing literature on adverse outcomes associated with ACEs3 — 9,24 — 28 by pointing to ACEs during early childhood as a risk factor for child academic and behavioral problems that have implications for education and health
trajectories, as well as achievement gaps and health disparities.
These toxic stress - induced changes in brain structure and function mediate, at least in part, the well - described relationship between adversity and altered life - course
trajectories (see Fig 1).4, 6 A hyper - responsive or chronically activated stress response contributes to the inflammation and changes in immune function that are seen in those chronic, noncommunicable diseases often associated with childhood adversity, like chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD), cirrhosis, type II diabetes, depression, and cardiovascular disease.4, 6 Impairments in critical SE, language, and cognitive
skills contribute to the fractured
social networks often associated with childhood adversity, like school failure, poverty, divorce, homelessness, violence, and limited access to healthcare.4, 19,58 — 60 Finally, behavioral allostasis, or the adoption
of potentially maladaptive behaviors to deal or cope with chronic stress, begins to explain the association between childhood adversity and unhealthy lifestyles, like alcohol, tobacco, and substance abuse, promiscuity, gambling, and obesity.4, 6,61 Taken together, these 3 general classes
of altered developmental outcomes (unhealthy lifestyles, fractured
social networks, and changes in immune function) contribute to the development
of noncommunicable diseases and encompass many
of the morbidities associated epidemiologically with childhood adversity.4, 6
The first 5 years
of life are critical for the development
of language and cognitive
skills.1 By kindergarten entry, steep
social gradients in reading and math ability, with successively poorer outcomes for children in families
of lower
social class, are already apparent.2 — 4 Early cognitive ability is, in turn, predictive
of later school performance, educational attainment, and health in adulthood5 — 7 and may serve as a marker for the quality
of early brain development and a mechanism for the transmission
of future health inequalities.8 Early life represents a time period
of most equality and yet, beginning with in utero conditions and extending through early childhood, a wide range
of socially stratified risk and protective factors may begin to place children on different
trajectories of cognitive development.9, 10
Second, although we investigated sex and the presence
of siblings, there may be other significant background variables that differentiate among the
trajectory groups, especially as potential risk factors for the chronically low
social skill group, for example, parental income and education.
A lack
of social skills and having
social problems at school were specifically related to the chance
of following the high
trajectory versus the moderate
trajectory.
The present study found that
social support for parenting was positively correlated with subsequent child
social skills development; however,
social support for parenting did not have a significant positive effect on predicting the likelihood
of children belonging to higher
social skills trajectories.
We next examined the contributions
of all predictor variables in distinguishing group memberships for child
social skills trajectories.
In contrast, the
social competence variables did not differentiate the low from the moderate
trajectory, suggesting a comparable level
of social skills and
social problems in these two
trajectories.
We expected that the number
of longitudinal profiles
of children's
social skills would be similar to
trajectories found in prior research with different aged samples.
We expected negative interpretations, self - focused attention, nervousness,
social problems, neuroticism, behavioral inhibition, and
social withdrawal to be positively associated with a high
social anxiety
trajectory whereas self - evaluation
of performance,
social skills, and extraversion would be negatively associated.