Sentences with phrase «vote labour because»

I didn't vote Labour because of their support for Benefit Sanctions & because of their betrayal in abstaining following the Cait Riley case.

I did not vote Labour because — for example — Labour are to the right of the Tories on immigration, and have not challenged (but rather reinforced) UKIPs lies.

People didn't vote Labour because they thought Miliband looked and sounded like a twat.

Nine per cent of people said they were less likely to vote Labour because of Gordon's blunder; 3 per cent (who are they?)

Only 14 % were more likely to vote Labour because of it.

It is, of course, possible that a lot of people don't like the proposed cuts and so disapprove of what the government is doing but are definitely * not * going to vote Labour because they have noticed that New Labour created the appalling mess that the Coalition government is trying to clean up.

Labour won the 1974 General Election after Enoch Powell had told his supporters to vote Labour because of Europe.

There is one woman quoted who had not heard of Corbyn and another man quoted who had heard of him, didn't like him, but was still voting Labour because of the local candidate.

Time was, those on low incomes voted Labour because they expected the party would help them in power.

At present they are probably voting Labour because they oppose independence, but will that still hold good when politics returns to normal after the referendum?

If he comes he will be knocking on doors with me of the very people who tell me they are not voting Labour because of immigration, and let him them listen and think and he will need to do it long enough to realise that he is not being set up because the more houses you do the more you realise that the message is consistent.

«I will be voting Labour because they are better people.

Not exact matches

I think many British Columbians, much like Albertans, have shrunk from voting NDP because they were seen as a party of labour leaders, professors and what my father would call «parlor pinks.»

«I'm quietly confident, in a non-complacent way, that the people who are flirting with the Greens, a large number of them will end up voting Labour - for positive reasons, because we've got radical policies on the environment, we've got very good policies on addressing inequality, the housing crisis, the NHS.

If it were up to me it would all go away, because it makes the AV vote harder to win by pissing off the Labour party.»

The maths just works better for Labour, it seems, because «there are few scenarios in which David Cameron will survive a vote of confidence».

Because people were really pissed off with Labour, they voted SNP to the left of Labour, not to the right.

Many of us had voted Labour come hell or high water because we were getting it in the neck from the Tories.

The right - wing media is constantly trying to depict the current system as favouring Labour because the electoral arithmetic implies that the Tories need about 4 % more votes to gain a parliamentary majority than does Labour.

Labour's complaint — that the Prime Minister's raising the question of English votes for English laws was simply a partisan ambush — is unconvincing, because it fails to answer the key questions.

Labour MP Stella Creasy wrote: «Will be voting against banning it simply because pointless and unenforceable proposal.»

It was lost by Labour because of a fragmentation of its vote.

I hope so, because this is the only person in Labour with the right package of common sense, intellect, and boldness to make it a party worth voting for.

Rather, the party's hopes of coming second now look more distant because Labour's vote is estimated to be up by four points on both ballots.

I argued here that Conservative and Lib Dem supporters in Scotland probably would not often vote tactically for Labour because they are not much more fond of Labour than they are of the SNP.

Surely what you mean is «Ken may well employ sophistry to claim that he is not technically in breach of party rules, because saying that the candidate should not have been dropped, walking around for the TV cameras with the rival candidate (and having a quick chat about why the Labour candidate) did not in fact entail an explicit «vote Rahman» public statement (even though the whole point was to convey precisely that impression to any sentient being).

The challenge for Labour is that most splitting occurs between ideologically adjacent parties, and because less partisan Labour voters are more likely than Conservatives to split their vote.

As Anthony Wells points out, it is somewhat inevitable that Labour should be doing worse where they started stronger because there are some places where they didn't have 15 points to lose, but it might also be partly because Ashcroft only polled in Labour seats where the Yes vote was relatively strong in the independence referendum.

Last year, despite winning more votes the Conservatives lost their parliamentary majority because the Labour vote share went up by more than did that for the Conservatives.

Labour received 300,000 fewer votes than the Conservatives but because of Britain's controversial electoral geography Labour became the largest party in the House of Commons.

The Conservatives tend to pile up large majorities in safe seats and because the planned redistribution of seats did not take place after the 2010 election, Labour has a number of seats with below average electorates, making the vote - to - seat ratio work all the more in its favour.

Because Labour could, potentially, win if the previously Labour but now non-voters can be persuaded to start turning out and voting Labour again, but only if the non-voting support base is fairly large, and without that sort of analysis over larger areas it's hard to judge — it's definitely partially true in my ward, Labour had disappeared electorally years ago, but won the seat in 2012, despite most other parties getting similar votes to normal (and our support mostly going to an Independent we were tacitly backing).

Which brings me to my favourite part of this result: the strongest Green list vote we've seen since this polling sequence began, indicating a Green group five times larger than that which currently sits at Holyrood, primarily because Labour would no longer be so substantially under - represented in the constituencies.

All those Labour voters who voted no, either to stick it to Clegg or because they wanted proportional representation.

Well, in Tower Hamlets, the opposition Labour group don't need a 2/3 majority because they have formed a voting pact with the David Cameron's Tories.

A lot of Labour people voted for UKIP because they feel alienated by the party and by Westminster in general.

The Tory tactic of focusing all of their resources on defending their most vulnerable seats worked because Labour did not inspire the working class vote with a real alternative.

Probably because the parliamentary Labour party, which overwhelmingly backs Smith, still clings onto the illusion that no matter how obnoxiously the party behaves towards its core supporters, it is still entitled to millions of votes from poor voters who have no alternative.

But Mr Dugher said: «I think it might be quite useful if he went along to it because he can have a word with them as their former chairman and say to them «stop the intimidation, stop the abuse and stop the talk of deselections and going after Labour MPs who voted in a way they didn't approve of.

Labour aren't losing votes because of individuals they are losing because of policies and the interest groups they have been appealing to.

Labour have continued to win seats in their core constituencies because the majority of their old supporters refuse to vote for other parties but those are slowly dying off.

But perhaps best (or worst, depending on how you view it), «I'm voting for Labour because their colour is red, the same as Manchester United's.»

In Akinbade's words on that day before he sojourned to the Labour Party where he lost woefully recording only 8000 votes across 30 Local Governments and the Area Office in Modakeke, Fatai Akinbade II stated that he was no longer needed in PDP because you Omisore had captured everything in the Party and was still brandishing it to mock them.

This is not because Liverpool Walton is peppered with enclaves of bankers and stockbrokers; it's because a substantial section of the working class has always voted for parties other than Labour and now that vote is going to Ukip.

In a vote to set up foundation trusts in the English NHS, Blair's majority was cut to 35 because many English Labour MPs rebelled or failed to vote; Blair needed 67 Scottish and Welsh MPs to push the trusts through.

But the government could lose the vote on a «programme motion», which limits debate on the bill in the Commons to 14 days, because Labour will join forces with as many as 100 Tory rebels.

This might be because Labour's share in the polls is so close to their 2015 vote share that no reversion to past performance is predicted.

Scotland, with the lowest Tory vote in the UK, will become an immense thorn in Blair's side because the Scottish Assembly will create an independent base of political activity for the Scottish labour movement.

Next is strategy: the leadership can not simply wash its hands of those who have moved to Labour, because people who once voted for a party are most likely to return.

The main vote on the second reading of the bill will pass because Ed Miliband, who supports reform of the upper house, has instructed Labour MPs to vote with the coalition.