Following the 2017 general election, UKIP's vote share plummeted by 15.6 % seeing both Conservative and Labour
vote shares rise significantly by 9 %.
The Conservatives saw
their vote share rise by 12 percentage points but failed to win any seats.
Not exact matches
Equally there is a reasonable argument that teh
rise of UKIP in terms of
vote share was a major factor in precipitating this whole situation in the first place.
Labour, despite a slight
rise in its
share of the
vote, returned with fewer councillors.
2) The
rise of UKIP at the 2013 local elections dramatically alters the predicted UKIP
vote share, lowers both the Conservative and Labour
vote shares but also increases the margin of error around the predictions.
The Tories didn't increase their count of councillors here last week, but they've made up huge ground on
vote share, turning a 12.5 % gap into a 1.5 % gap by hoovering up Ukip
votes, despite Labour's
vote share also
rising.
The Conservative candidate, Anne McIntosh, took the seat, although voters gave Nick Clegg's party a five - point
rise in its
share of the
vote.
They may have finished 3,558
votes behind Labour (having been just 103 behind at the general election) but their
share of the
vote rose to 31.9 per cent.
12:11 - Ukip are seeing a substantial
rise in their
share of the
vote, but precious little in terms of concrete gain.
They've only gained one despite an average 4 - 5 %
rise in their
share of the
vote.
A falling
share of the
vote for the main parties means a
rising chance of coalitions.
Finally, despite the important effects of the substantial
rise of UKIP on the
shares of the
vote for the two main parties, UKIP are not set to win many seats nor have a disproportionate effect on the competition for seats between the two main parties in their key marginals.
Politicians on all sides deplored the result which saw the BNP's
share of the
vote rise from the 20 % gained in last year's election to 33.9 %.
Despite losing 6 Parliamentary seats in London in the General Election conducted on the same day, Labour's
share of the
vote, council seats and control of Councils
rose substantially.
Its
share of the
vote was seven points below its score a year before Neil Kinnock lost the 1992 election, though that was in the era of three - party politics before the
rise of Ukip.
The Liberal Democrat
share of the
vote fell by 14.5 %, the Ukip
share rose 24.2 %, the Tories fell 14 % and Labour went up 0.2 %.
In every other by - election in the current parliament in English Labour seats, the party's
vote share has
risen by around ten percentage points.
UKIP leader Nigel Farage failed to gain the seat of Thanet South, despite his party's
share of the
vote across the UK
rising by 9.5 percentage points.
Worse, today's survey of 96 marginal seats by ICM for the News of the World suggests that the Lib Dems»
share of the
vote has
risen 5 points since January and that most of their progress has been at the expense of the Conservatives.
Most commentators on here and elsewhere were convinced the Tory
vote share would have slumped into the teens if you had suggested that it would
rise most people would have laughed.
Labour's
share of the
vote nationally
rose by 10 percentage points to 40 %, with strong performances across northern England, London, East Anglia and the south coast.
That's not to say that young voters were not still important in explaining the election result — age was still an important divide on how people
voted, young people did still heavily
vote for Labour so it is still fair to say Labour managed to enthuse young people more, it's just that the level of turnout among under 25s does not appear to have
risen; Labour just took a greater
share of support among younger voters.
* Says its
share of
voting rights in video games company Ubisoft
rises to 15.66 percent, with 17.73 percent of the capital
I've made this point before, but I'm constantly reading articles about the
rising share of «protest»
votes going to «minor parties» in which the set of minor parties excludes the National Party.