Sentences with phrase «voters voting labour»

Much of their support is from the Conservative heartlands, and even the vast majority of those workers who intend to vote for them have not defected from Labour: only 17 % of UKIP voters voted Labour in 2010 (the same amount who voted Liberal - Democrat), compared with 45 % who voted for the Conservatives.

For example, one 2010 study after the last election found that 59 % of Daily Mirror voters voted Labour, and just 16 % voted Conservative.

A lot of Labour voters voted Labour despite some of what had happened in New Labour years.

If 38 % of voters vote Labour, I would define them as being «hard left», if it was the case for Lib Dem, I'd define them as «centre - left», and for Tories in their current form as «centre»

Not exact matches

Even if Labour gave a free vote, which is unlikely, the pressure from Labour constituency activists (not Labour voters) would force most Labour MPs to vote for the change: just a few people of principle will hold out.

The link between Labour and many of its traditional voters — who defied the party leadership to vote Leave — was also fractured, perhaps permanently.

This is particularly in evidence at the moment and we typically find that 10 % fewer Labour than Conservative voters are certain to vote.

All of this means that Cameron finds himself in a fairly tricky position, having to rely on mobilising Remain votes from large numbers of people who voted against him last May while hoping that the leader of the Labour Party will actually stand up and make a direct and unequivocal plea for voters to keep Britain in the EU.

I think you can avoid this with (i) a primary election day for all parties where voters have to choose which party to vote for OR (ii) a Labour - only primary election day where people who want to vote have to register first.

She challenged analysis that talked up Labour success at the election pointing out that the Conservatives piled on voters in many northern seats that had voted Leave, among older voters and among the working class.

So Labour need to get to the disaffected voters who maybe voted Labour in the past and not anymore; they also need to get to those who are not even interested in politics.

Scottish Tories currently campaigning for local government elections on May 4th tell stories about encountering long - standing Labour voters in local authority areas not exactly known for being friendly to Conservatives and who now declare their intention to vote for «Ruth» and the Tories.

Furthermore, Labour's extraordinary abandonment of its core voters as it takes on the mantle of the politically correct new left means Labour votes across the North of England are up for grabs.

Labour made a net gain of just two from the Conservatives, whilst the Liberal Democrats collapsed in suburban England and their south - western heartlands as the centre - left vote fragmented and centre - right voters moved over to the Tories.

This analysis confirms what we might have anticipated from the evidence of the polls — local authorities appear to contain more Leave voters if there was a large vote for UKIP there in the 2014 European elections, if there was a small vote for parties of the «left» (Labour, Liberal Democrats, Scottish and Welsh Nationalists and Greens) on the same occasion, and in places with relatively low proportions of graduates, young people, and people from an ethnic minority background.

It essentially became pointless with the introduction of FPTP for all seats, before that many seats used Block Voting and there were alliance slates in places (in some, Liberals, Nat Libs and Cons all put up one candidate each to LAbour's two; evidence was a lot of Lib voters supported Labour with second vote, but Tory and Nat Lib voters split all over the place).

Were an individual Gloucestershire voter given up to seven votes to distribute as s / he saw fit, it is of course impossible to know whether this would lead to seven Conservative MPs returned (as was the case in the 2015 election), or a mixture of parties (in 2005 the seats were split three Conservative, two Labour and two Liberal Democrat).

«Today I am setting out a positive agenda for Labour voters - reasons why Labour voters should vote Remain and the patriotic case for remaining in Europe.

The overwhelming majority of «no» voters who voted Labour in 2010 also voted Labour in 2015, as the British Election Study shows.

It occurs that I should probably source that - Observer, 23 Dec 2007, column by Denis MacShane entitled «An open letter to Nick Clegg»: «Before the 2001 election, I urged Labour voters in seats where Lib - Dem candidates were best placed to beat off Conservatives to vote tactically.

The Tories may have polled two million more votes than Labour, but at least half of that difference can be attributed to differential turnouts, and most of the rest to missing voters.

However, there was absolutely no mention of an entire street of Labour - voting ethnic minority voters not being able to speak English either in her Guardian report or elsewere.

Labour is enjoying its strongest polling since Gordon Brown's honeymoon, as a new survey shows Conservative voters are growing less likely to vote at the next election.

In contrast, of the 65 % of 2010 Labour voters who voted NO in the referendum, 75 % stayed with Labour in 2015, while only 13 % voted SNP.

This group of voters became dissatisfied with the Westminster government during the Thatcher era, felt forgotten by New Labour, and voted Scottish Nationalist Party (SNP) en - masse in the 2011 Scottish Parliament election.

Most of whose votes were anti Labour / Conservative Politics, so many are based on lies, and there is no line whatsoever to excluding the the voter from the governing process.

So you could argue that the current system is actually biased against Labour, and therefore PR will actually disadvantage Labour even more unless rates of voter registration are improved and compulsory voting introduced.

«Most of the Muslim voters I've talked to will vote for Sadiq, but they haven't warmed to him as a person,» one inner London Labour councillor who has been pounding the streets for him tells me.

As with the 35 % of 2010 Labour voters in Scotland who voted «yes» to independence, the Labour Party currently offers little to the 27 - 33 % of 2015 Labour voters in Britain who want to leave the EU.

It would have been extremely difficult for Labour to tell those voters that their concerns were being disregarded or their votes ignored.

For middle class voters to be backing the Labour manifesto isn't a total shock - it protected 95 % of people from tax rises whilst spending big on schools and the NHS - but for them to vote for Corbyn is a much bigger deal.

We found some tentative evidence to suggest Labour voters had been less likely to actually vote than predicted but, even if this was the case, the effect would have been very modest.

While a majority of Labour voters backed Remain in the referendum, swathes of seats in the north and Midlands voted emphatically for Brexit.

Also, many voters - including Leave voters - reacted against austerity last year by voting for Labour, but the Tories have done little to change course on this and may now decide they don't need to.

People who disagree with the coalition (some Lib Dem voters) swear that they will vote for Labour at the next election.

Between a quarter and a third of Labour voters voted Yes in the referendum.

Over a third of Labour voters in 2015, where it went down to heavy defeat, said they would not vote for the party under him.

The Survation poll commissioned by Unite union found the Lib Dems are on just 23 % behind Labour on 33 % in the seat, when voters were asked about their constituency vote.

The British Election Study survey evidence suggests that Scottish Labour MPs will not be saved by incumbency effects or tactical voting, so the party will primarily need to attract a significant number of their former voters back from the SNP.

It's true that Labour does plan to make substantial cuts and there is a risk of losing votes to the Greens, although once again Bennett's performance was unimpressive and unlikely to appeal to mainstream voters.

One of the key patterns in last year's general election results was a tendency for those who voted Remain to swing more to Labour than those who voted Leave, while the Conservatives lost ground amongst Remain voters while advancing amongst their Leave counterparts.

Former Labour voters converted to the Yes cause account for practically all of the drop in the Scottish Labour vote.

The 2010 Labour voters who voted Yes and now intend to vote SNP are noticeably different from other 2010 Labour voters in their responses to a variety of BES questions, but they particularly stand out in two principle respects.

The Scottish Labour leader Kezia Dugdale has made what she hopes is a major speech to win back lost voters and make her party relevant in the constitutional debate that has followed the Brexit vote in the EU referendum.

How many Conservative voters in these constituencies will consider lending their votes to UKIP having seen that Labour can be beaten locally for the first time in decades?

Anti-EU labour voters who vote Leave likely to switch permanently to UKIP after referendum if Labour backs Calabour voters who vote Leave likely to switch permanently to UKIP after referendum if Labour backs CaLabour backs Cameron.

The challenge for Labour is that most splitting occurs between ideologically adjacent parties, and because less partisan Labour voters are more likely than Conservatives to split their vote.

And how does its view compare with that of swing voters, who supported Labour in previous elections but did not vote for Gordon Brown?

A further 10 % of all voters are Labour Considerers, who would not vote Labour tomorrow, but may do so in future.

And if it plays well to Labour voters also, that's probably Susan Kramer's best shot — she needs to squeeze the Labour vote down to the bone and deeper if she's going to hang on in there.