«I will be
voting Labour because they are better people.
If he comes he will be knocking on doors with me of the very people who tell me they are not
voting Labour because of immigration, and let him them listen and think and he will need to do it long enough to realise that he is not being set up because the more houses you do the more you realise that the message is consistent.
At present they are probably
voting Labour because they oppose independence, but will that still hold good when politics returns to normal after the referendum?
There is one woman quoted who had not heard of Corbyn and another man quoted who had heard of him, didn't like him, but was still
voting Labour because of the local candidate.
Labour won the 1974 General Election after Enoch Powell had told his supporters to
vote Labour because of Europe.
Time was, those on low incomes
voted Labour because they expected the party would help them in power.
It is, of course, possible that a lot of people don't like the proposed cuts and so disapprove of what the government is doing but are definitely * not * going to
vote Labour because they have noticed that New Labour created the appalling mess that the Coalition government is trying to clean up.
Only 14 % were more likely to
vote Labour because of it.
Nine per cent of people said they were less likely to
vote Labour because of Gordon's blunder; 3 per cent (who are they?)
People didn't
vote Labour because they thought Miliband looked and sounded like a twat.
I did not
vote Labour because — for example — Labour are to the right of the Tories on immigration, and have not challenged (but rather reinforced) UKIPs lies.
I didn't
vote Labour because of their support for Benefit Sanctions & because of their betrayal in abstaining following the Cait Riley case.
Not exact matches
I think many British Columbians, much like Albertans, have shrunk from
voting NDP
because they were seen as a party of
labour leaders, professors and what my father would call «parlor pinks.»
«I'm quietly confident, in a non-complacent way, that the people who are flirting with the Greens, a large number of them will end up
voting Labour - for positive reasons,
because we've got radical policies on the environment, we've got very good policies on addressing inequality, the housing crisis, the NHS.
If it were up to me it would all go away,
because it makes the AV
vote harder to win by pissing off the
Labour party.»
The maths just works better for
Labour, it seems,
because «there are few scenarios in which David Cameron will survive a
vote of confidence».
Because people were really pissed off with
Labour, they
voted SNP to the left of
Labour, not to the right.
Many of us had
voted Labour come hell or high water
because we were getting it in the neck from the Tories.
The right - wing media is constantly trying to depict the current system as favouring
Labour because the electoral arithmetic implies that the Tories need about 4 % more
votes to gain a parliamentary majority than does
Labour.
Labour's complaint — that the Prime Minister's raising the question of English
votes for English laws was simply a partisan ambush — is unconvincing,
because it fails to answer the key questions.
Labour MP Stella Creasy wrote: «Will be
voting against banning it simply
because pointless and unenforceable proposal.»
It was lost by
Labour because of a fragmentation of its
vote.
I hope so,
because this is the only person in
Labour with the right package of common sense, intellect, and boldness to make it a party worth
voting for.
Rather, the party's hopes of coming second now look more distant
because Labour's
vote is estimated to be up by four points on both ballots.
I argued here that Conservative and Lib Dem supporters in Scotland probably would not often
vote tactically for
Labour because they are not much more fond of
Labour than they are of the SNP.
Surely what you mean is «Ken may well employ sophistry to claim that he is not technically in breach of party rules,
because saying that the candidate should not have been dropped, walking around for the TV cameras with the rival candidate (and having a quick chat about why the
Labour candidate) did not in fact entail an explicit «
vote Rahman» public statement (even though the whole point was to convey precisely that impression to any sentient being).
The challenge for
Labour is that most splitting occurs between ideologically adjacent parties, and
because less partisan
Labour voters are more likely than Conservatives to split their
vote.
As Anthony Wells points out, it is somewhat inevitable that
Labour should be doing worse where they started stronger
because there are some places where they didn't have 15 points to lose, but it might also be partly
because Ashcroft only polled in
Labour seats where the Yes
vote was relatively strong in the independence referendum.
Last year, despite winning more
votes the Conservatives lost their parliamentary majority
because the
Labour vote share went up by more than did that for the Conservatives.
Labour received 300,000 fewer
votes than the Conservatives but
because of Britain's controversial electoral geography
Labour became the largest party in the House of Commons.
The Conservatives tend to pile up large majorities in safe seats and
because the planned redistribution of seats did not take place after the 2010 election,
Labour has a number of seats with below average electorates, making the
vote - to - seat ratio work all the more in its favour.
Because Labour could, potentially, win if the previously
Labour but now non-voters can be persuaded to start turning out and
voting Labour again, but only if the non-
voting support base is fairly large, and without that sort of analysis over larger areas it's hard to judge — it's definitely partially true in my ward,
Labour had disappeared electorally years ago, but won the seat in 2012, despite most other parties getting similar
votes to normal (and our support mostly going to an Independent we were tacitly backing).
Which brings me to my favourite part of this result: the strongest Green list
vote we've seen since this polling sequence began, indicating a Green group five times larger than that which currently sits at Holyrood, primarily
because Labour would no longer be so substantially under - represented in the constituencies.
All those
Labour voters who
voted no, either to stick it to Clegg or
because they wanted proportional representation.
Well, in Tower Hamlets, the opposition
Labour group don't need a 2/3 majority
because they have formed a
voting pact with the David Cameron's Tories.
A lot of
Labour people
voted for UKIP
because they feel alienated by the party and by Westminster in general.
The Tory tactic of focusing all of their resources on defending their most vulnerable seats worked
because Labour did not inspire the working class
vote with a real alternative.
Probably
because the parliamentary
Labour party, which overwhelmingly backs Smith, still clings onto the illusion that no matter how obnoxiously the party behaves towards its core supporters, it is still entitled to millions of
votes from poor voters who have no alternative.
But Mr Dugher said: «I think it might be quite useful if he went along to it
because he can have a word with them as their former chairman and say to them «stop the intimidation, stop the abuse and stop the talk of deselections and going after
Labour MPs who
voted in a way they didn't approve of.
Labour aren't losing
votes because of individuals they are losing
because of policies and the interest groups they have been appealing to.
Labour have continued to win seats in their core constituencies
because the majority of their old supporters refuse to
vote for other parties but those are slowly dying off.
But perhaps best (or worst, depending on how you view it), «I'm
voting for
Labour because their colour is red, the same as Manchester United's.»
In Akinbade's words on that day before he sojourned to the
Labour Party where he lost woefully recording only 8000
votes across 30 Local Governments and the Area Office in Modakeke, Fatai Akinbade II stated that he was no longer needed in PDP
because you Omisore had captured everything in the Party and was still brandishing it to mock them.
This is not
because Liverpool Walton is peppered with enclaves of bankers and stockbrokers; it's
because a substantial section of the working class has always
voted for parties other than
Labour and now that
vote is going to Ukip.
In a
vote to set up foundation trusts in the English NHS, Blair's majority was cut to 35
because many English
Labour MPs rebelled or failed to
vote; Blair needed 67 Scottish and Welsh MPs to push the trusts through.
But the government could lose the
vote on a «programme motion», which limits debate on the bill in the Commons to 14 days,
because Labour will join forces with as many as 100 Tory rebels.
This might be
because Labour's share in the polls is so close to their 2015
vote share that no reversion to past performance is predicted.
Scotland, with the lowest Tory
vote in the UK, will become an immense thorn in Blair's side
because the Scottish Assembly will create an independent base of political activity for the Scottish
labour movement.
Next is strategy: the leadership can not simply wash its hands of those who have moved to
Labour,
because people who once
voted for a party are most likely to return.
The main
vote on the second reading of the bill will pass
because Ed Miliband, who supports reform of the upper house, has instructed
Labour MPs to
vote with the coalition.