Sentences with phrase «voting intention question»

However a lot has been made of the fact that while both polls had an effort to take account of people's personal and tactical voting behaviour in their own constituency, they did so in different ways — Ashcroft asks a two stage question, asking people their national preference and then how they will vote thinking about the candidates and parties in their own constituency; ICM asked people the voting intention question including the names of the candidates standing in Sheffield Hallam.

It shows Nick Clegg holding on to his seat by a margin of seven points over Labour when respondents are asked a voting intention question that includes the names of the candidates standing.

There was no voting intention question, but asked how they would lean if Gordon Brown was Labour leader and each of the three candidates were Tory leader Cameron came out best, with 50 % saying they would lean towards the Tories, compared to 43 % with Davis and 41 % with Clarke.

Polls like this can only either be hypothetical, so we'll never know what will really happen until Blair is replaced, but what would give us the best idea is a normal voting intention question prompting with party leader names, and then another voting intention question but with Gordon Brown as the Labour leader (and then possibly, just to put the cat among the pigeons, some with Alan Johnson, John Reid, Hilary Benn, etc, etc...)

Reports do not make clear whether this is a general election voting intention question or a local election voting intention question — either way, I'm reserving judgement till I see the tables on the ICM website.

Using a split sample they asked three questions — one was a normal voting intention question.

The ICM poll for the Guardian also included a voting intention question with Brown as Labour leader, which showed the now normal pattern of the Conservatives doing better against Labour with Brown instead of Blair.

Voting intention with Johnson was CON 42 %, LAB 25 %, LDEM 22 % — a 17 point Tory lead, compared to 13 points in the normal voting intention question in the same Populus poll.

Secondly there is a ComRes poll of Londoners, the first I can recall seeing since Brian Paddick was selected as the Lib Dem candidate (and, therefore, the first to have a voting intention question with a proper candidate names for all parties, rather than featuring «a Lib Dem candidate»).

In a normal voting intention question in Con - v - LD seats the Lib Dems are in third place on 18 %, asked using the constituency specific wording they are on 31 %.

The reason for the difference is most likely tactical considerations — people answer Labour to a normal voting intention question because that's the party they really support, but know that they happen to live in a seat where Labour could never win, so actually vote Liberal Democrat.

As in 2011, Lord Ashcroft has asked voting intention twice in the poll, first asking a standard voting intention question, then asking people to think specifically about their own seat and asking how they would vote there.

On the subject of public and private sector workers, note the main voting intention question.

Both Ashcroft and ComRes asked a voting intention question that prompted people to think about their own constituency, candidates and MP to try and get at the personal and tactical voting that Lib Dem MPs are so reliant upon.

Interestingly comparing the standard voting intention question and the constituency question a quarter of Conservative voters say they will actually vote Lib Dem in Hallam, suggesting significant Tory tactical voting propping up Nick Clegg.

One thing I missed from the ICM poll last night, they asked an AV voting intention question and found the contest neck and neck.

Note also that, judging from the tables, ComRes have switched over to prompting for UKIP in their main voting intention question in this poll — as with their last national poll, it does not seem to have had a major effect (UPDATE — I think this is because ComRes have changed turnout weightings, so that there is a tighter turnout filter for the Greens and UKIP than for the main parties).

In this set of seats there is no consistent pattern in the difference between the standard voting intention question («if there were a general election tomorrow, which party would you vote for?»)

Boris was the favourite among those who said they would vote UKIP in the standard voting intention question (by 43 % to 33 % over Cameron).

Party member Alexandra Swann wants to know why only one polling company includes UKIP in their voting intention question

This is not necessarily a bad thing — certainly I have grave doubts about polls done in Lib Dem constituencies that just ask a standard voting intention question.

Lord Ashcroft used the two stage voting intention question for the constituency poll, first asking people a generic voting intention question and then asking people to consider their own constituency and the candidates likely to stand there in an attempt to squeeze out tactical or incumbency effects.

We shall then review the way we ask our general election voting intention question.

ICM also asked a voting intention question asking how people would vote assuming that Gordon Brown was Labour leader — like YouGov's poll earlier this week this showed Labour doing worse under Brown than under Blair; with Brown as leader voting intention would be CON 40 %, LAB 37 %, LD 18 %.

Most pollsters continue to judge that naming UKIP in the initial voting intention question has the effect of exaggerating the party's score.

For instance, every pollster uses slightly different wording for the main voting intention question, but they generally relate expectation to a hypothetical election to be held tomorrow or in the near future.

In three of the seats I found UKIP ahead by up to six points on the standard voting intention question, and they were tied with Labour in Dudley.

In most seats this is only a marginal difference — in Lib Dem held seats it can be substantial, as repeatedly shown in polls of Lib Dem marginal seats using a two - stage national - then - constituency voting intention questions (see here by Lord Ashcroft, and here by YouGov).

The first is that normal voting intention questions do not include prompting by the party leaders names, so realistically you should only compare the results of a question asking «how would you vote with Milliband in charge» with one saying «how would you vote with Brown in charge».

Usually, ICM would add 50 % of those who refuse to answer the vote intention question or say they don't know to the party they voted for in 2010.

No news of any voting intention questions in the MSL poll, but it found that 54 % thought ministers had handled Northern Rock badly and 49 % of respondents wanted Alistair Darling to resign.

In the first three waves of the BES we randomized the placement of the vote intention question to be either at the start of the survey or at the end after all other questions.

It's worth remembering that all these theoretical «with Brown as leader» voting intention questions also include the assumption that Charlie Kennedy will still be Lib Dem leader — something that looks considerably less likely after the past week.

More relevant are the hypothetical voting intention questions — respondents were asked how they would vote if Gordon Brown were leader of the Labour party, Charlie Kennedy leader of the Liberal Democrats and either David Cameron or David Davis were leader of the Tory Party.

This is likely to be because best Prime Minister questions are strongly influenced by party allegiance, and the questions seem to have been asked as part of a standard ICM omnibus poll, which doesn't weight by past vote unless there are voting intention questions.

As I've said before, all reputable pollsters will put voting intention questions at the start of a poll to make sure other questions don't skew the answers.

Not exact matches

Here is how the results to the «passion for learning» question differ by voting intentions.

The questions involve voting history, interest in the current campaign, and likely voting intentions.

Second, the wording of the question used to ascertain voting intentions on the list vote is markedly different from the one that the company has used previously.

Second, the wording of the question used to ascertain voting intentions on the list vote -LSB-...]

Military contingency plans are already being drawn up by the Ministry of Defence despite question - marks remaining over the legality of any military action, the binding nature of any Commons vote and the government's intention to publish the evidence justifying an armed intervention.

So my question is, have any Republican senators publicly announced their intentions to vote no on the motion to proceed tomorrow?

The briefing was smoked out by an «Email your MP» campaign launched by the People's Pledge just 48 hours beforehand, as Labour MPs then contacted party headquarters to ask how they should respond to questions from constituents about their voting intentions on July 5.

There is also the question of Gordon Brown — voting intention figures 4 years from a general election are of little importance at the best of times, let alone when we know the sitting Prime Minister will probably change before the next election.

We still haven't seen a post-election Populus voting intention poll (though to answer Mike Smithson's question here, I understand they are still doing them, they are just having a quiet period following the election), but Lord Ashcroft has commissioned them to do some polling in marginal seats, with some interesting findings.

Full results on voting intentions going back to the beginning of our polling - plus the trends in the big questions over time

YouGov did the fieldwork for two academic election surveys (the British Election Study and the SCMS) as well as their daily polling, and all three used different question ordering (daily polling asked voting intention first, SCMS after a couple of questions, the BES after a bank of questions on important issues, which party is more trusted and party leaders) so will allow testing of the effect of «priming questions».

Typically people answer these questions along partisan lines — Tory voters pick the Tory leader, Labour voters pick the Labour leader, the best PM lead ends up being similar to the voting intention lead.

Speaker Michael Martin desperately tried to bring the situation under control, censoring the chants with an angry exchange calling on no member to question someone's intention when voting.

Of course — the same caveats that I used to attach to polls asking hypothetical questions about voting intention under potential Tory leaders apply to questions about potential Labour leaders as well — it may be a long time until we know what effect a Gordon Brown leadership would really have on Labour support.