Sentences with phrase «voucher and charter school programs»

School choice refers to Florida's voucher and charter school programs.
The effectiveness of voucher and charter school programs has long been debated, and pro and con camps both cite studies to back up their points of view.

Not exact matches

Ravitch contends that voucher programs and public charter schools have failed to demonstrate measurable educational gains.
Private schools, charter schools, voucher programs and other school choice options have been championed by reform - minded conservatives such as Jeb Bush for years now, partly because of their success for countless children of color living in poor communities with even poorer - performing public schools.
While Weingarten and Astorino aren't too far apart on the Common Core, they are at odds on issues like the statewide property tax cap, collective bargaining rights, tenure, charter schools and voucher programs.
Private school choice programs, such as vouchers, tax - credit scholarships, and education savings accounts, can provide a private school «balance» to strong charter school laws.
«First - generation» choice programs such as open enrollment, magnet and charter schools, and voucher plans have indeed increased the number of schooling options available.
While district reform collapsed, and claimed the court case on the never - implemented voucher program as collateral, charter parents will ensure that school choice carries on in this Colorado suburban county.
In fact, when Congress passed a private school voucher program for Washington, D.C., alongside new funding for the district and charter sectors, the overall reform plan was called the «three - sector approach.»
The Sunshine State had instituted school voucher programs, increased the number of charter schools, and devised a sophisticated accountability system that evaluates schools on the basis of their progress as measured by the Florida Comprehensive Assessment Test (FCAT).
This would include funding for a pilot private - school voucher program, new money for charter schools, and additional money for Title I that would be directed to follow students to the public school of their choice.
During this time, Florida was engaged in other education reforms as well: instituting several school - voucher programs, increasing the number of charter schools in the state, and improving the system used to assign grades to schools based on the FCAT.
Perhaps more helpful would be the freeing of public education from state officials through charter schools and voucher programs, which would limit the reach and power of small veto groups, who can so easily intimidate public authorities.
Moreover, some kinds of school reform have no fixed protocol, and it is possible to imagine implementing vouchers, charter schools, or programs like Comer's or Total Quality Management schools in many different ways.
Through chartering, vouchers, tax credits, ESAs, online learning, course choice, dual enrollment, CTE programs, state - run schools, and much more, state governments have moved far past 1965 - era arrangements for K - 12.
Most charter schools serve mainly elementary students, and young children make up the largest share of the few voucher programs that have been attempted.
The Florida Supreme Court's decision striking down a statewide voucher program has sparked speculation that the ruling will aid efforts to battle other voucher initiatives, and could even pose a threat to charter schools.
Today's research shows that, especially for urban minority students, charter schools and voucher programs improve high school graduation rates and college enrollment.
In 1999 Cleveland had 23 magnet schools with 13,000 students in attendance and eight charter schools with 1,600 students in attendance, compared with the 3,800 in the voucher program.
In fact, we have already embarked on programs that support private initiative, with government support, with vouchers and charter schools.
Since the early 1990s, Milwaukee has been home to an increasingly varied array of school choice programs that now includes the nation's oldest voucher program, numerous charter schools, and extensive inter - and intra-district public - school choice systems.
That is the case in 2016, as education reformers struggle with the meaning of choice and opportunity two decades after founding the first charter schools and voucher programs.
Defenders of the status quo in education routinely label certain proposed reforms — including tax credits, voucher programs, for - profit education management organizations (or EMOs), and charter schooling — as «anti-public education,» often to great effect.
While Catholic schools were closing, the number of charter schools was increasing, and various states were setting up voucher programs for low - income students to attend (some) private schools.
Unlike the Charter Schools Act upheld in Booth, which provided for a mix of state and local powers, the voucher program gave the local school board, in the court's words, «no substantial discretion over the educational program embodied in the voucher program,» thus violating the state constitution.
In recent years, choice advocates cheered because Indiana and Louisiana adopted new voucher programs and because charter schools — boosted by President Obama's Race to the Top program and movies like Waiting for Superman — continued to expand and attract supporters.
Romney's major proposal would expand school choice by essentially turning $ 15 billion in Title I funding and $ 12 billion in IDEA funds into «vouchers» that eligible students could spend to attend any district, charter, or private school (state law permitting) or for tutoring programs or digital courses.
Choice programs come in several flavors, including charter schools, which are publicly funded but independently operated; private school vouchers, which cover all or part of private school tuition; and open enrollment plans (sometimes called public school vouchers) that allow parents to send their child to any public school in the district.
Over 25,000 students are enrolled in the city's pioneering private school voucher program and nearly 19,000 more attend the city's public charter schools.
Among the pluses: Florida's excellent accountability system for schools; a longitudinal database containing student data from pre-K through age 20; a strong charter - school law; special - education vouchers; and a tax - credit program for corporate donations to private - school scholarship programs.
Information about local district rankings increases public support for school choice programs, including charter schools, parent trigger mechanisms, and, especially, school vouchers for all students.
In this view, public schools will struggle to meet the higher standards — and not receive the resources with which to do so — and this will open the door to the expansion of charter schools, private - school voucher programs, and online virtual learning.
This California - centric volume contends that many middle - class families live under the illusion that their kids» schools are swell and that it's only poor families whose children are trapped in bad schools and therefore need charters, vouchers, open enrollment plans, and other policies and programs designed to afford them access to better options.
Still, there are a handful of examples of school choice programs that diminished achievement but improved high school graduation rates, including the Milwaukee voucher program and a set of Texas charter schools.
Although certain forms of school choice (tax credits, some voucher programs) abjure state academic standards and tests, others (such as charter schools and public school choice) normally take them for granted.
Second, school choice is bigger than voucher programs and charter schools.
But these charter efforts remained a tiny percentage of federal spending, Bush was rebuffed on an effort to make school choice a much bigger component of NCLB, and the Obama administration did its best to anesthetize the D.C. voucher program.
School choice has a lot to lose, as enrollment grows in charter schools and voucher programs, if Trump becomes the pitchman for choice.
And it points the way to a solution to the problem of market - suffocating regulation under school choice programs: pursue school choice through education tax credits rather than vouchers or charter schools.
With 13 states launching or expanding school voucher programs, and 509 new charter schools opening this year, more parents can take advantage of the school choice options that have been a cornerstone of the nation's school reform movement.
She makes clear that she does not understand the purpose of profit when she scoffs about voucher programs and charter schools that «divert... taxes to pay profits to investors» and «turn a profit off their children, in order to reward their shareholders.»
They have won hearts and minds, cultivated allies, and paid a lot of attention to learning how charter school laws and voucher programs work in practice.
Indiana Governor Mitch Daniels has pushed the hardest, enacting a law that removes the cap on the number of charter schools in his state, authorizes all universities to register charters and expands an existing voucher program in the state for students to attend private and charter schools (in some cases managed by for - profit companies).
To support my case, I presented three categories of evidence: (1) the fact that national reform groups seem deeply concerned about Detroit; (2) the similarity in performance between the city's charter and traditional public schools; and (3) the large negative effects of two statewide voucher programs on student outcomes.
Expanding voucher programs and charter schools will involve more than just lifting the enrollment caps on such programs; it will also require private - or public - sector efforts to create more schools of choice.
The U.S. Supreme Court ruled on the Trinity Lutheran case, CREDO recently released a nationwide evaluation of charter schools, and two separate teams of researchers just released updates to their evaluations of voucher programs in Indiana and Louisiana.
Opponents have hamstrung school - choice programs at every turn: fighting voucher programs in legislative chambers and courtrooms; limiting per - pupil funding so tightly that it's impractical for new schools to come into being; capping the number of charter schools; and regulating and harassing them into near conformity with conventional schools.
But whereas charter schools and voucher programs have drawn most of the attention and political controversy as spearheads of the choice, the dominant form of school choice that severs the connection between place of residence and school assignment is open enrollment in traditional public schools.
Charter schools have been known to counsel out students with disabilities out of school and private schools participating in voucher programs have dropped students that become too costly or challenging to serve.
To argue that she has been even moderately successful with her approach, we would have to ignore the legitimate concerns of local and national charter reformers who know the city well, and ignore the possibility that Detroit charters are taking advantage of loose oversight by cherry - picking students, and ignore the very low test score growth in Detroit compared with other cities on the urban NAEP, and ignore the policy alternatives that seem to work better (for example, closing low - performing charter schools), and ignore the very low scores to which Detroit charters are being compared, and ignore the negative effects of virtual schools, and ignore the negative effects of the only statewide voucher programs that provide the best comparisons with DeVos's national agenda.
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